LIBRARY  OF  THE  THEOLOGICAL  SEMINARY 

PRINCETON,  N.  J. 


Purchased  by  the 
Mrs.   Robert  Lenox  Kennedy  Church  History  Fund. 


Division...D.A..J  *^  '  ^ 

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HISTORY 


;0T8 


OF  THE 


FREE  CHURCHMEN 

CALLED 

THE  BROWNISTS,  PILGRIM  FATHERS 

AND  BAPTISTS  IN  THE 

DUTCH  REPUBLIC 

1581-1701 


BY  THE   LATE 

J.   DE  HOOP'SCHEFFER,  D.D. 

Professor  of  Church  History  in  the  Mennonite  College  and 
in  the  University  of  Amsterdam,  Netherlands 

With  a  Memoir,  translated  from  the  Dutch 

BY 

J.  DE  Hoop  vScheffer 


William  Elliot  Griffis,  A.M.,  D.D.,  L.H.D.,  Editor 

AUTHOR   OF 

"The  Pilgrims  in  Their  Three  Homes,"   "Young  People's 
History  of  the  Pilgrims,"  "Brave  Little  Holland," 
"The  Americans  in  Holland,"  Motley's 
Dutch  Nation,"  etc. 

Honorary  Member  of  the  Literary  and  Scientific 
Societies  of  Middelburg,  Leyden  and  Leeuwarden 


ANDRUS  &  CHURCH 
Ithaca,  N.  Y. 


ERRATA 

p.  lo,  for  Haubur}-,  read  printing, 
p.  21,  for  Tenant,  read  Teneut. 
p.  31,  for  Anapaptists,  read  Anabaptists. 
p.  49,  for  Liberty,  read  liberty, 
p.  69,  for  Isreal,  read  Israel. 

p.  158,  for  Schwenchfelders,  read  Schwenkfelders. 
p.  167,  for  alice,  read  Alice. 

p.  1S4,  for  principle  to,  read  of,  and  add  after  Lutherans,  quotation 
marks. 
For  all  other  misprints  here  unnoted,  the  editor  begs  the  indulgence 
of  readers. 


BIOGRAPHICAL  NOTICE 

THOROUGHNESS,  exactness,  and  precision  are  indis- 
pensable qualities  in  a  historian. 

Professor  Dr.  J.  G.  de  Hoop  Scheffer,  did  not  lack  these 
qualities,  as  is  clearly  shown  by  his  principal  work,  the 
History  of  the  Reformation  in  the  Netherlands,  from  its 
origin  till  1531.  (German  translation  by  Dr.  P.  Gerlach, 
entitled  :  Geschichte  der  Reformation  in  den  Niederlanden 
von  ihren  Begiun  bis  zum  Jahre  1531). 

Reviewers  highly  praise  this  book,  stating  unanimously, 
that  not  one  martyr  of  the  period  was  overlooked.  No 
wonder  !  All  over  the  country,  keepers  of  archives  and 
searchers  were  most  anxious  to  be  of  service  to  him. 
Among  his  papers,  bundles  of  transcripts  of  legal  sentences, 
private  correspondance,  annotations,  inscriptions  in  family- 
bibles,  etc.,  etc.,  were  found  after  his  death.  Hoping  that 
new  material  might  still  turn  up,  the  author  postponed 
repeatedly  the  publication  of  his  book.  When  at  last  it 
was  produced,  the  subject  was  altogether  exhausted. 

Yet  this  method  has  its  drawbacks.  It  caused  the  failure 
of  our  author's  purpose  in  life  :  to  write  a  complete  history 
of  Meuno  Simons  and  the  Mennonites.  True,  new  sources 
of  information  were  opened,  unpublished  documents  con- 
sulted, a  considerable  quantity  of  materials  amassed, — but 
the  book  itself  was  left  unwritten.  In  vain  his  friends 
pressing  him  to  give  the  results  of  his  labours  and  researches, 
declared  themselves  satisfied  with  a  concise  history,  if  he 
would  but  write  such  a  work.  Dr.  Scheffer  held  to  the 
principle,  that  the  more  extended  and  elaborate  work  should 
precede  a  smaller  history. 

Though  living  to  the  age  of  seventy-four,  the  time  proved 
to  be  too  short  for  this  seeker  after  truth. 

Jacob  Gysbert  de  Hoop  Scheffer  was  born  on  the  28th  of 


iv  Biographical  Notice 

September,  1819,  at  the  Hague,  Holland.  [He  died  at 
Amsterdam  December  31,  1873.] 

From  1837- 1843,  he  was  educated  at  the  Meuuonite  Col- 
lege in  Amsterdam  and  at  the  University  of  Utrecht,*  in 
which  he  was  given  the  degree  of  B.D.  In  1870  in  recog- 
nition of  his  merits  as  a  historian  created  D.D.,  honoris 
causa,  b}'  the  Leyden**  University.  In  1872  he  was  elected 
a  member  of  the  Dutch  Royal  Academy  of  Sciences.  In 
addition  he  held  the  diplomas  of  several  literary  and  scien- 
tific societies.  Among  others  that  of  the  Historical  Society 
of  Pennsylvania,  in  Philadelphia,  Pa.  After  having  minis- 
tered in  the  Mennonite  Church,  as  preacher,  he  was  in 
1859  appointed  professor  at  the  Mennonite  College  in 
Amsterdam.  From  1877,  he  held  also  the  same  office  in 
the  Municipal  University  of  Amsterdam,  being  the  last  pro- 
fessor of  that  faculty  who  entered  upon  his  office  with  an 
inaugural  address  in  Latin.  This  was  entitled:  "  De 
providentia  divina  Teleiobaptistas  Neerlandicos  ab  exitio 
vindicante." 

During  this  period  Dr.  Scheffer  displayed  his  prefer- 
ence for  the  study  of  the  history  of  religious  sects  and 
societies.       In    1862,   the   emeritus    professor    of    the    said 

*ACADEMIAM,    RhENO-TRAIECTUM 

Matrem  .  Ahiiae  .  Matris  .  Nostrae  .  Salutatamus 

The  .  Trustees  .  Faculty  .  Alumni  .  and  .  friends  .  of 

RUTGERS : COLLEGE 

At  .  New  Brunswick  .  New  Jersey  .  U.  S.  A. 

whose  .  early  .  development  .  was  .  greatly  .  aided  .  through 

Rev.  John  H.  Livingston  D.D. 

A  .  Student  .  in  .  Utrecht  .  University  .  1768- 1770 

Rear  .  this  .  Tablet  .  in  .  Grateful  .  Appreciation 

A.D  .  1909 

**At  Leyden  University,  as  Peacock's  Index  shows,  when  the  ter- 
centenary was  celebrated  in  1875,  nearly  five  thousand  British  and 
American  students  had  been  educated,  while  the  English  Universities 
were  closed  to  the  Free  Churchmen. — Ed. 


Biographical  Notice  v 

Mennonite  College,  Dr.  Muller,  sought  his  assistance  in 
furnishing  to  Mr.  B.  Evans,  for  his  "  Early  English  Bap- 
tists "  the  desired  information  on  some  Baptists,  who 
joined  the  Waterland  Mennonites  in  1615.  Dr.  Muller 
(Evans,  Early  Baptists,  I.  p.  220)  says  :  assisted  by  one  of 
the  two  professors  of  our  Seminary,"  which  refers  to 
Dr.  Scheffer. 

This  essay  appeared  in  1880,  but  the  researches  for  Evans' 
book  had  already  turned  Dr.  Scheffer's  attention  to  the 
history  of  the  Brownists.  [Free  Churchmen  or  Congrega- 
tionalists — the  Pilgrim  Fathers  being  so  called] .  He  had 
the  good  fortune  to  discover  a  Dutch  translation  of  John 
Smyth's  confession  of  faith,  (see  appendix  H).  The  Eng- 
lish original  of  this  had  in  1738,  been  lost  :  but  was  re- 
covered in  187 1,  by  Dr.  H.  M.  Dexter  in  the  library  of 
York  Minster. 

Meanwhile,  Dr.  Scheffer  contributed  historical  studies  to 
various  periodicals,  especially  to  the  "  Doopsgezinde  Bijdra- 
gen."  ("  Mennonite*  Contributions.") — an  annual  which 
he  edited  from  1870  until  his  death.  These  publications 
attracted  attention  and  his  methods  of  investigation  were 
appreciated.  Perhaps,  too,  his  critical  eye  and  trenchent 
pen — continually  at  war  against  false  quantities  and  inac- 
curacies— were  somewhat  feared.  Be  this  as  it  may,  many 
an  author  thought  it  desirable  to  have  his  work  revised  by 
Dr.  Scheffer,  before  publication. 

In  England  Robert  Barclay  expressed  his  obligations  to 
the  Amsterdam  professor  for  his  revision  of  the  Chapter  on 
Menno  Simons  in  his  book  "  The  Inner  Eife  of  the  Religious 
Societies  of  the  Commonwealth,  London,  1876." 

Judge  [the  late  Governor],  Samuel  W.  Pennypacker  of 
Philadelphia,    Pa.,    wrote   to  me,   February    8,    1894:   "I 


*The  best  and  latest  historical  accounts  of  the  Mennonites  in 
America,  their  recent  literature,  etc.,  etc.,  are  to  be  found  in  the 
Encyclopedia  Americana,  of  19 19. — Ed. 


vi  Biographical  Notice 

learned  with  the  greatest  regret  of  the  death  of  your  father, 
with  whom  I  had  the  pleasure  of  corresponding  for  many 
years  and  also  the  pleasure  of  meeting  when  I  was  in 
Amsterdam  in  i8go.  His  extensive  literary  acquirements 
and  his  thorough  research  will  cause  his  loss  to  be  felt  in 
America,  as  well  as  in  Europe.  I  presented  your  letter  to 
the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania  of  which  he  was  a 
valued  and  honored  member." 

W.  H.  Whitsitt,  professor  at  the  Baptist  College  of 
Louisville,  Ky.,  Dr.  Nippold,  the  learned  professor  of 
Church  history,  first  at  Bern,  next  at  Jena  and  others  in 
their  labors  regularly  consulted  Dr.  Scheffer. 

Several  unrevised  articles  in  the  encyclopedias  showed 
the  need  of  Scheffer' s  researches.  Yet  he  was  not  only  the 
referee  of  authors  and  scholars,  but  not  a  few  wealthy 
Americans  of  Netherlandish  descent  applied  to  him  for  the 
missing  links  in  their  family-chain.  In  such  cases  this  most 
scrupulous  scholar,  whom  nothing  would  have  induced  to 
write  against  his  convictions,  or  to  testify  anything  without 
clear  proofs,  delivered  only  sterling  golden  links.  When- 
ever an  American  tells  you  that,  according  to  Dr.  Scheffer's 
stateriient,  he  is  of  Dutch  descent,  you  may  be  quite  sure 
that  the  statement  is  true,  even  if  his  name  in  the  course  of 
time  has  been  ever  so  much  changed,  translated  or  corrupted 
by  foreign  tongues — even  though  you  find  the  name  among 
the  Mayflower's  list  of  passengers.* 

No  advertising  was  required  to  keep  that  curious  corre- 
spondence between  Americans  and  the  Amsterdam  historian 
alive.     Even  after  his  decease  Dr.  Scheffer's  family  received 

*  No  fewer  than  eight  nationalities  were  represented  in  the  Le3-den 
Church  and  the  Plymouth  colony  and  when  in  the  Republic  several 
of  the  Free  Churchmen,  late  in  1797  called  first  "Pilgrim  Fathers," 
wrote  their  names  in  Dutch  form  and  spelling.  See  the  "Young 
People's  History  of  the  Pilgrims,"  Boston,  1920,  and  in  J.  U.  Sawyer's 
"  History  of  the  Pilgrims  and  Puritans  :  their  Ancestry  and  Decend- 
ants,"  New  York,  1922. — Ed. 


Biographical  Notice  vii 

both  letters  aud  visits  of  these  planters  of  genealogical 
trees.  His  death  took  place  on  the  31st  of  December,  1893. 
The  seeker  after  further  biographical  particulars  concern- 
ing J.  G.  de  Hoop  Scheffer  may  be  referred  to  the  Ency- 
clopedia of  Living  Divines,  edited  by  Philip  Schaff,  D.D., 
and  Samuel  Macauley  Jackson,  M.A.,  New  York  1887  ; 
in  which  he  is  one  of  the  fifteen  Dutch  theological  professors 
mentioned  in  the  work. — J.  DE  Hoop  Scheffer. 

Amsterdam,  1921. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  FREE  CHURCHMEN 
IN  HOLLAND 

Introduction 

npWO  sections  of  the  Christian  Church,  whose  numbers, 
-*-  in  the  countries  in  which  the  English  language  is 
spoken  are  now  reckoned  by  millions,  originated  in  the 
Netherlands  over  three  centuries  and  a  half  ago.  The 
refugees  found  freedom  in  the  Dutch  Republic  ;  the  Inde- 
pendents or  Congregationalists  at  Leyden,  the  Baptists  at 
Amsterdam. 

Few  periods  of  American  history  have  the  attraction  for 
students  like  that  one  in  the  decade  from  1620  to  1630.  In 
this  period  the  Independents,  or  Pilgrim  Fathers,  settled  at 
Plymouth.  After  the  precedent  of  success  given  by  these 
pioneers,  came  the  Puritans. 

To  investigate  Pilgrim  origins,  to  learn  the  life,  character 
and  purposes  of  the  founders  of  Plymouth  colony,  to  trace 
out  the  motives  and  causes  of  their  leaving  Europe,  have 
been  during  the  last  seventy  years  tasks  in  which  the  ablest 
American  historians  have  spared  neither  time  nor  toil. 
Every  vestige  in  writing  in  England  the  Netherlands  has 
been  sought  out  and  the  Dutch  and  English  archives  ran- 
sacked. Books  so  scarce  as  to  be  almost  unobtainable,  have 
been  reprinted  and  for  others  searches  were  begun  long  ago, 
which  have  continued  to  this  day.  Enthusiastic  scholars 
crossed  the  ocean  many  times  in  order  to  glean  in  this  field 
of  history  and  to  collect  information  in  reference  to  their 
ancestors. 

These  untiring  efforts  excited  attention  in  England  and 
prompted  the  scholars,  Hanbury,  Fletcher,  Marsden, 
Hunter,  Waddington  and  others  to  issue  monographs 
throwing  light  on  ecclesiastical  affairs  in  the  reign  of  Eliza- 
beth and  James   the   First,  and    thus  in  the  movements  of 


Introduction  ix 

colonists  to  America.  Not  less  creditable  in  this  depart- 
ment are  the  labors  of  George  Weber  of  Heidelberg  and 
Hermann  Weingarten.  The  former  in  the  second  volume 
of  his  Church  History  of  England  (1845),  dealing  with  the 
Puritans  ;  the  latter,  in  1868,  on  the  first  forty  pages  of  his 
excellent  work  "  Die  Revolutionskirche  Englands  "  (The 
revolutionary  churches  of  England). 

Was  it  to  be  wondered  that  at  first,  little  aid  came  from 
Holland,  especially  since  the  Republic  during  ten,  twenty 
or  more  years  had  sheltered  numbers  of  these  colonists,  be- 
fore they  started  thence  to  New  England  ?  Many  of  their 
writings,  too,  were  published  at  Middelburg,  Eeyden  and 
Amsterdam.  Surely  in  Holland  if  anywhere  inquirers 
should  look  for  authentic  data  concerning  their  fortunes, 
adventures,  their  religious  and  social  life,  and  the  causes  of 
their  departure  to  the  Western  Hemisphere. 

Dr.  N.  C.  Kist,  (1803-1859)  professor  of  Church  History 
at  Leyden,  was  the  first  and  for  awhile  the  only  one  among 
the  Hollanders  devoting  himself  to  this  subject.  To  the 
"  Nederlandsch  Archief  voor  Kerkelijke  Geschiedenis " 
(Netherland  Archives  for  Church  History)  vol.  VIII,  1848, 
a  periodical  he  edited  with  his  Utrecht  colleague,  H.  J. 
Royaards,  from  1841  to  1849,  he  contributed  a  paper  on  the 
Father  of  the  Independents,  the  celebrated  John  Robinson. 

To  some  extent.  Dr.  Kist  followed  the  lines  laid  down  by 
his  predecessors  Georgius  Hominus  in  his  book  "  De  Statu 
ecclesiae  Britanniae  hodierno,"  1647,  and  Johannes  Hoorn- 
beck  in  his  "  Summa  controversiarum  religionis  "  (Lib.  X, 
De  Brownistis,  page  738-833)  and  in  his  "  Epistole  de  inde- 
pendentisme,"  1658  and  1660.  Dr.  E.  B.  Swalue,  a  disci- 
ple of  professor  Kist,  enlarged,  in  1859,  his  Dutch  transla- 
tion of  R.  Baird,  "Religion  in  America"  and  of  W.  H. 
Bartlett,  "  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,"  with  a  few  particulars  on 
the  Brownists  of  Holland,  which,  however,  are  far  from 
being  correct  in  details. 


X  Introduction 

One  should  have  expected  that  the  affixing,  iu  1S64, 
under  the  auspices  of  Rev.  Henry  Martin  Dexter  of  Boston 
and  Professor  G.  E.  Day  then  of  Cincinnati,  of  a  commem- 
orative tablet  in  stone  on  the  front  of  the  house,  on  the  site 
of  Robinson's  dwelling  in  Leyden,  and  the  exertions  of 
s5me  Americans  to  mark  by  an  appropriate  memorial  the 
place  of  embarcation  at  Delfshaven  would  have  served  as 
impulses  to  fresh  researches.     Not  so  ! 

Still  less  attention  than  to  the  Brownists  or  Independents 
of  Leyden  was  paid  to  the  history  of  their  fellow-believers 
of  Amsterdam.  This  was  hardly  with  good  reason.  In  com- 
parison with  the  Amsterdam  Brownists,  Robinson's  congre- 
gation came  but  slightly  in  contact  with  the  Dutch. 

In  the  beginning  at  least,  the  Pilgrims  exerted  little  in- 
fluence in  Europe.  The  Amsterdam  Brownists,  on  the  con- 
trary, maintained  regular  relations  with  England,  and  an 
influential  part  of  their  number  returned  thither,  among 
them  was  developed  a  form  of  Christianity,  which  is  still 
increasing  and  has  powerfully  affected  the  world's  history. 
The  Baptists  founded  Rhode  Island  and  have  shown  them- 
selves a  mighty  power  among  all  English-speaking  peoples 
and  on  the  foreign  missionary  field. 

Robert  Barclay,  a  worthy  descendant  of  an  illustrious 
namesake  conclusively  demonstrated  in  his  work  "The 
inner  Life  of  the  religious  vSocieties  of  the  Commonwealth," 
that  whoever  wishes  to  be  well  acquainted  with  the  innum- 
erable religious  sects  in  England  in  the  time  of  the  pro- 
tectorship ;  whoever  wishes  to  understand  historically  the 
action  of  George  Fox  and  his  "  friends,"  should  first  of  all 
direct  his  attention  towards  what  happened  in  the  Nether- 
lands, whether  among  the  natives  or  among  the  English 
exiles  at  Amsterdam,  in  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth 
century." 

The  agitations,  differences  and  separations  of  that  period 
exercised  an  immense  influence  over  the  ecclesiastical  and 


Introduction  xi 

religious  life  of  Eugland.  Moreover,  without  an  exact 
knowledge  of  these  conflicts,  many  phenomena  of  Protestant 
Christianity  in  Holland,  also,  cannot  be  understood.  Most 
of  the  Separatist  movements  in  the  Netherlands,  to  which 
a  few  pamphlets  refer  and  in  particular  the  multitude  in  or 
about  1611,  and  the  reprinted  mystical  writings  of  the 
Reformation  were  lost  sight  of  in  the  great  controversy 
between  the  forces  of  Dutch  Galvanism  and  Arminianism 
led  by  Franciscus  Gomarus  and  Jacobus  Arminius. 

Many,  however,  "pressed  on,"  showing  the  love  of 
separations,  of  innovating  conventicles,  of  opposition  to 
hierarchy,  to  ecclesiastical  doctrines,  often  indulging  in 
morbid  enjoyments  of  pietism  and  mysticism.  These  highly 
important  facts  have  been  for  the  most  part  overlooked  by 
historians. 

Beyond  all  doubt  continued  research  would  have  made  it 
clear  that  the  intercourse  of  Dutch  people  with  the  for- 
eigners settled  temporarily  in  Holland,  more  particularly 
with  the  English  exiles,  had  a  notable  influence  on  the 
development  of  Christianity  on  the  Continent. 

The  history  of  those  exiles  may  not  therefore  be  neither 
unacceptable  or  uninteresting. 

The  pamphlets  from  or  relating  to  the  Amsterdam 
Brownists  are  to  be  found  mainly  in  the  British  museum, 
the  Lambeth  Library  at  London,  the  Bodleian  Library  at 
Oxford,  and  the  Libraries  of  Christ  College  and  Emannel 
College  at  Cambridge. 

To  W.  H.  Whitsitt,  professor  at  the  Baptist  Seminary  of 
Louisville,  Ky..  for  the  loan  of  transcripts  and  copies  of 
these  documents  and  to  B.  Hanbury's  "Historical  Memo- 
rials relating  to  the  Independents,"  I  am  much  indebted. 
From  the  Amsterdam  Municipal  Archives,  the  Archives  of 
the  Dutch  Reformed,  the  Walloon  Reformed  churches,  and, 
more  important  than  either,  from  those  of  the  Amsterdam 
Mennonite  Church,  I  have  drawn  much  pertinent  informa- 


xii  Introduction 

tion  hitherto  unknown,  which  throws  new  light  on  the  stay 
of  the  Brownists  in  the  Dutch  Republic  from  about  1580  to 
1615. 

The  first  portions  of  these  lectures  were  delivered  prior  to 
the  publication  of  H.  M.  Dexter,  "The  Congregationalism 
of  the  last  Three  Hundred  Years  as  seen  in  its  Literature," 
so  that  I  could,  for  the  second  part  only,  and  in  the  appen- 
dices avail  myself  of  that  admirable  work,  dealing  with  the 
Brownists  (pp.  255  to  356).  It  is  gratifying  to  see  that 
both  of  us,  independently  of  each  other,  often  arrived  at 
the  same  conclusion.  Dr.  Dexter  had  at  his  disposal  a 
multitude  of  pamphlets* — 245  of  which  covered  the  period 
now  under  review — while  I  enjoyed  the  advantage  over  him 
of  a  greater  familiarity  with  local  circumstances,  and  of 
being  enabled  to  investigate  archives,  unknown  or  un- 
searched,  by  that  eminent  scholar. 

J.  G.  DE  H.  S. 


*The  entire  and  extremely  valuable  collection  made  by  Dr.  H.  M. 
Dexter  is  now  in  one  of  the  alcoves  of  the  Yale  University  Librar}'. 
In  the  Congregational  Library  in  Boston  and  at  Cornell  University, 
Ithaca,  N.  Y.,  are  also  collections  of  Pilgrim  Father's  literature. — Ed. 


EDITOR'S  PREFACE 

THE  story  of  the  origins  of  American  freedom  and  of  de- 
mocracy must  ever  be  a  subject  of  interested  inquiry. 
It  may  be  that,  heretofore,  students  have  paid  a  dispropor- 
tionate attention  to  what  was  phenomenal  and  on  a  vast 
scale,  and  that  not  enough  scrutiny  has  been  bestowed  upon 
the  intangible  but  potent  forces. 

Truth  is  truth  under  all  forms,  whatever  be  its  garb  or 
environment.  One  of  the  subtle  proofs  of  this  is  seen  in 
the  Master's  teaching.  He  gave  not  one  but  two  parables. 
He  showed  both  the  visible  and  the  invisible  working  of 
truth  for  the  coming  of  the  Kingdom. 

The  correlation  and  mutual  witness  of  ancient  scripture 
and  modern  science  are  especially  illustrated  in  the  realm  of 
chemistry.  He  who  did  both  reveal  and  live  the  truth  told 
us  of  the  great  tree,  visible  and  vocal,  but  he  also  called 
our  attention  to  the  potency  of  the  leaven,  unseen  but 
transforming.  In  the  one  instance,  the  multitude  take 
notice,  in  the  other  the  thoughtful  are  more  interested. 

So  also  even  in  the  full  blaze  of  modern  discovery,  the 
once  "  rare  metals  "  and  unknown  elements  disturbed  the 
calculations  of  experts  in  the  laboratory  and  confused  the 
reactions  expected  and  wrought  under  the  fingers  and  eyes 
of  the  most  skilful.  Yet,  in  our  own  day,  we  know  that 
these  potencies,  now  in  measure  revealed,  affect  the  uni- 
verse. Men  have  begun  to  split  the  atom  and  new  forces 
are  in  process  of  revelation  and  release.  Our  fathers  were 
accustomed  to  limit  both  time  and  space,  but  now,  to  these, 
who  dare  fix  boundaries  ?  Yet  God  bids  us  seek  and 
inquire — "  concerning  the  work  of  my  hands,  command  ye 
me." 

In  history,  fewer  than  five  of  the  uncounted  centuries  of 
this  world's  development  have  passed,  since  Christians,  in 


xiv  Editor's  Preface 

the  great  Reformation,  broke  the  yoke  of  ecclesiastical 
feudalism.  Scholars  have  perhaps  paid  too  much  atteution 
to  popes,  cardinals,  emperors,  kings,  state  church  bishops, 
and  other  politicians,  or  holders  of  the  power,  on  which 
the)^  put  the  labels  of  "  spiritual  "  and  "  temporal."  Or, 
the  mighty  leaders  of  thought  and  organization,  Zwingli, 
Luther,  Calvin,  Knox  have  been  too  much  in  the  mind's 
eye  and  in  popular  feelings,  while  the  humble  and  obscure 
have  been  ignored. 

Nevertheless  a  study  of  the  more  inconspicuous,  but 
none  the  less  potent  forces,  in  the  form  of  spiritual  democ- 
racy, may  be  worth  while.  After  great  triumphs,  we 
inquire  into  hidden  causes.  For  the  true  understanding  of 
human  progress  such  scrutiny  yields  results  analogous  to 
researches  into  the  material  structure  of  the  universe. 
Radium  is  not  abundant,  nor,  until  recently,  was  even  its 
existence  suspected. 

We  have  all  heard  the  story  of  the  British  Separatists,  or 
Free  Churchmen,  in  England,  Holland  and  America.  The 
tercentenary  of  these  Pilgrim  Fathers — nameless  as  such 
until  1797 — has  been  celebrated  in  Holland  and  by  all  the 
English-speaking  nations.  Their  story  and  their  part  in 
the  making  of  the  United  States  of  America  has  been  told 
in  art,  eloquence,  pageant  and  literature. 

Yet  the  Anabaptists,  so  long  the  pariahs  of  history,  the 
Mennonites,  the  Walloons — first  home-makers  of  Distinctive 
America,  that  is,  the  Middle  States  Region — and  the 
Quakers  were  none  the  less  Pilgrim  Fathers.  They,  like 
Bradford,  in  his  History  of  Plymouth  Plantation,  described 
themselves  in  the  language  of  Hebrews  XI:  13  as  "  pilgrims 
and  strangers  on  the  earth."  Yet,  we  repeat,  it  was  not 
until  1797  that  the  term  "Pilgrim  Fathers"  was  heard. 
Now,  it  has  become  a  battle  cry,  a  watchword  for  religious 
orthodoxy  and  even  for  political  propaganda.  Almost 
dramatic  were  the  contrasts  in  the  celebrations  of  1920.    In 


Editor's  Preface  xv 

Holland,  the  note  was  religious  and  historical.  In  England, 
two-thirds  of  the  true  Pilgrim  history  was  in  shadow,  but 
contemporary  politics  were  in  the  lime  light. 

So  the  prophecy  is  here  ventured  that  the  names  of  the 
so-called  "obscure  sects" — the  refugees  who,  being  pil- 
grims and  strangers  in  a  world  of  belated  thought  governed 
by  force,  become  a  "noble  army  of  martj^rs  "  —  will  yet 
come  to  greater  honor,  fame  and  glor3^  Even  their  blood 
cries  out  from  the  earth  which  it  once  reddened. 

A  life  time's  experience  has  taught  this  to  the  editor  of 
Dr.  Scheffer's  manuscript  ;  for,  in  his  own  land,  he  has 
beheld  freedom  and  uplift  for  the  retarded  races,  black  and 
red.  In  the  world  of  politics  and  diplomacy,  he  has  seen 
the  once  hermit  nations  of  the  Far  East  become  World 
Powers,  basing  their  political  hopes  on  freedom  of  con- 
science and  general  education  in  the  public  schools — ideas 
and  institutions  of  which  the  Dutch  Republic  which  shel- 
tered "  the  sects"  was  the  original  home. 

So  the  day  will  come  when,  from  underneath  the  mass  of 
malignity,  ignorance,  misrepresentation  and  caricature,  the 
followers  of  leaders  like  Hubmaier,  Robert  Browne,  Menno 
Simons,  William  the  Silent,  Roger  Williams  and  William 
Penn,  will  win  the  world's  honor.  The  church  politicians 
and  dogma  makers  have  had  their  own  way  long  enough. 
It  will  be  discerned  more  clearly  that  "  where  the  spirit  of 
the  Lord  is,  there  is  liberty."  Men  have  been  too  long 
misled  by  dazzling  appeals  to  the  senses,  by  the  false  claims 
of  hierarchy  and  by  the  endless  definitions  of  doctrine,  all 
of  which  have  been  made  into  engines  of  spiritual  oppres- 
sion. 

The  experiment  of  democracy  in  the  United  States  of 
America  and  of  the  growth  of  the  Free  Churchmen — among 
these  being  Baptists,  now  the  largest  of  the  denominations 
of  Reformed  Christianity — confirm  the  word  of  the  Master 
as  to  the  power  of  ordered  freedom  in  the  gospel.     Yet  the 


xvi  Editor's  Preface 

work  of  plowing  up  ecclesiastical  imperialism  must  go  on 
for  a  grander  harvest  that  shall  bless  all  nations. 

It  was  the  glor}^  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  that  in  England 
the}'  broke  the  yoke  of  Norman  feudalism,  under  which  a 
bishop  was  the  "King's  man"  and  the  political  sovereign 
recognized  as  the  very  image  of  God  on  earth.  In  doing 
this,  they  helped  powerfully,  also,  to  bring  in  this  freer  and 
more  enlightened  Mother  Land  of  today,  with  her  brood  of 
stalwart,  self-governed  nations.  We  all  know  the  Pilgrim's 
story  and  rejoice  in  it.  We  shall  yet  know  the  Walloon's 
part  in  the  making  of  America. 

But  what  of  those  left  behind  in  the  Dutch  Republic, 
after  the  Speedwell  sailed  ? 

To  this  question,  well  worth  the  asking.  Dr.  Scheffer 
gives  full  answer,  from  the  original  records  and  after  win- 
nowing much  chaff  of  later  fancies. 

Is  it  too  much  to  believe  that  there  are  those  who,  after 
perusing  his  narrative,  will  hold  the  conviction  that  these 
"  Brownists,"  in  their  evolution,  were  Europe's  van  leaders 
in  true  spiritual  progress? 

Though  the  pitiful  limitations  of  their  human  nature 
\^ere  manifested  and  are  here  unsparingly  exposed,  in  their 
different  forms — those  of  pinching  poverty,  heart  sickening 
exile,  lack  of  unity,  and  lowliness  of  environment,  instead 
of  wealth  in  palaces  and  power  in  courts  and  on  thrones, 
they  entered  upon  the  shining  path  of  spiritual  freedom, 
ever  looking  forward.  They  pointed  the  further  way. 
They  prepared  a  rich  heritage  of  truth  for  posterity.  To- 
day their  offspring,  in  numbers  as  the  sand  of  the  sea,  or 
the  stars  of  Heaven,  lead  the  host  of  Reformed  Christendom. 

Even  apart  from  what,  under  God,  was  the  supreme 
result  now  manifest  to  all  men,  the  students  of  American 
history,  of  democracy  in  its  beginnings,  and  even  of  gene- 
alogy will  find  Dr.  Scheffer's  narrative  of  greater  interest, 
of  richer  elements  of  fascinating  interest,  and  of  more  last- 


Editor's  Preface  xvii 

ing  value  than  hundreds  of  the  ephemeral  aud  popular 
literary  productions  of  this  year  of  grace,  1922.  This  is 
a  story  of  roots,  the  fruits  from  which  all  of  us,  even 
when  revilers  and  detractors,  now  enjoy. 

Those  humble  folk  came  into  contact  with  mighty  men 
of  world  fame,  such  as  Arminius,  Plancius,  Hoofdt,  Robin- 
son, Junius  and  others.  In  their  own  body  were  men  of 
whose  scholarship  even  the  learned  world  today  takes  note. 

The  grand  army  of  the  world-encompasing  Methodists 
think  of  x\rminius  one  of  their  spiritual  ancestors,  whose 
name  is  usually  associated,  though  in  contrast  or  rivalry, 
with  that  of  Calvin. 

Plancius  was  the  learned  man  abreast  of  science  and  the 
geographer,  who  handed  Hendry  Hudson  of  the  Half  Moon 
his  commission.  The  English  pilot  was  sent  to  find  the 
North  East  passage  to  the  Indies ;  but  crossing  the 
Atlantic,  in  hope  of  finding  a  route  to  China,  he  discovered 
Distinctive  America,  wherein  lie  the  Empire  and  Keystone 
states. 

With  the  Consistory  of  those  Walloon  churches,  number- 
ing nearly  a  septuagint  in  the  tolerant  republic,  there  being 
even  more  elsewhere,  in  Protestant  lands,  these  Brownists 
corresponded  in  Eatin.  Out  of  these  churches  went  forth, 
in  1623,  the  first  home-making  pioneers,  with  women  aud 
children,  to  settle  our  Middle  States.  They  were  as  God- 
fearing and  man-loving  as  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  their  very 
name  Walloon  meaning  pilgrim,  stranger,  exile. 

As  in  most  lands,  in  which  Church  and  State  are  united, 
the  civil  magistrate  being  usually  more  tolerant,  and  shall 
we  say  truly  more  Christian,  than  the  clerics  (?),  the 
Burgomaster  Hoofdt  of  Amsterdam,  whose  history  our 
Motley  loved  so  to  read  and  that  so  often  as  to  know  nearly 
every  one  of  its  pages  by  heart,  favored  the  Free  Church- 
men. 


xviii  Editor's  Preface 

The  Dutch  Menuonites,  from  whom  sprang  Cornelis 
Plockho3','i^the  Delaware  pioneer,  "  father  of  modern  social- 
ism " — of  the  sort  now  in  modern  life  as  generalh^  accepted 
and  valued  2iS  a  b  c,  or  the  multiplication  table — settler, 
social  reformer  and  beginner  of  the  literature  of  the  Dela- 
ware valley,  the  Brownists  were  as  brethren  beloved. 

Of  Robinson,  and  Junius,  and  others  of  more  than  local 
fame,  who  lived  in  the  Republic — which,  and  not  England, 
gave  us  all  our  federal  precedents  in  the  political  histor}'  of 
the  United  States  of  America,  flag,  constitution,  seat  of 
government,  freedom  of  religion  and  public  schools — most  of 
us,  especially  those  who  read  more  than  popular  historio- 
graphy, know  well.  Any  one  who  peruses  critically  the 
writings  of  the  American  fathers,  Bradford,  Williams,  Penu, 
Hamilton,  Adams,  Franklin,  Jefferson,  Madison  and  others, 
know  how  freely  they  confessed  themselves  and  our  country 
indebted  to  the  Republic  which  sheltered  Jews  and  Christians 
of  every  name.  One  national  debt  to  the  Dutch  is  shown 
in  the  red  and  white  stripes  of  the  flag,  which  signify  the 
equality  of  the  states  great  or  small  ;  while  on  their  part  the 
Brownists  taught  the  fact,  fundamental  in  our  democracy, 
of  the  equality  of  the  individual  and  the  rule  of  the  people 
applied  to  church  government. 

In  this  day  of  woman's  enfranchisement  and  acceptance 
of  the  logic  of  democracy  an  inside  view  of  the  life  of  those 
who  three  centuries  ago  grappled  with  the  great  social  pro- 

*ONE  :  IN  :  CHRIST 

To  .  the  .  glory  .  of  .  God  .  and  .  in  .  honor  .  of 

PiETER  :  Cornelis  :  Pi^ockhov  :  of  :  Zierikzee 

A  .  pioneer  .  of  .  Christian  .  Civilization  .  in  .  America 

Founder  .  of  .  the  .  Dutch  .  Colony  .  at 

Swaanendael  .  Delaware  .  U.  S.  A. 

The  .  Netherlands  .  Society  .  of  .  Philadelphia 

Read  .  this  .  memorial 

September  .  19 13 


Editor's  Preface  xix 

blems,  still  in  process  of  solution,  will  be  welcome.  Despite 
the  many  books  written  on  this  theme,  the  study  of  social 
and  political  biology  is  still  in  the  primary  stage. 

It  would  be  almost  an  insult  to  the  bibliographers  and 
ambitious  librarians  to  praise  Dr.  Scheffer's  Work.  A  glance 
through  these  pages  shows  the  value  to  the  book  hunter 
and  lover  of  rare  editions. 

The  results  of  few  episodes  in  American  history  afford 
such  a  fertile  and  satisfying  field  of  genealogical  research  as 
does  that  one  of  the  sojourn,  in  the  Dutch  Republic,  of  the 
people  called  the  Pilgrim  Fathers.  The  credit  of  this  fact 
is  largely  due  to  the  Netherlands  archives.  No  fewer  than 
eight  nationalities  were  represented  in  this  Leyden  group, 
usually  supposed  to  be  wholly  English  in  their  composition. 
It  was  Robinson's  church  company,  which  sailed  in  the 
Speedwell  (and  not  the  Mayflower  party,  "shuffled  in  "  as 
Bradford  tells  us)  which  proved  to  be  the  soul  and  the  most 
influential,  effective  and  finally  victorious  element  in  the 
initial  founding  of  our  six  Eastern  states.  In  this  Leyden 
organism,  we  discern,  not  only  a  true  type  of  our  composite 
American  ancestry,  but  also  of  our  federal  republic  of  forty- 
eight  states,  of  which  a  possible  hundred  stars  on  the  flag 
may  yet  be  the  symbol.  If  our  English  brethren  could  but 
understand  that  our  national  and  federal  political  forms  are 
derived,  with  improvements^  from  the  Dutch  Republic  and 
not  from  that  British  monarchy,  it  would  greatly  clarify 
their  views  and  opinions  concerning  us,  and  the  American 
procedure  of  our  government. 

In  the  commingling  of  many  nationalties  in  one  political 
brotherhood,  the  four  Middle  States  surpassed  every  other 
section,  having  on  its  soil  the  representatives  of  no  fewer 
than  seventeen  strains  among  the  pioneers  of  Distinctive 
America.  These  ultimately  formed  a  compact  unity  amid 
diversity,  a  true  e  phiribus  iiniim,  infused  with  the  spirit  of 
toleration  and  compromise,  which  reacted  upon  the  country 


XX  Editor's  Preface 

at  large.  In  the  initial  settling  and  cultural  impact  upon 
the  West,  in  centripetal  power  in  binding  the  states  in 
federal  union,  the  Middle  Region  excelled,  and  the  reason 
is  patent.  It  was  largely  peopled  by  both  natives  of  the 
Netherlands  and  the  pilgrims  and  strangers  who  had  breathed 
their  first  breath  of  freedom  in  the  federal  republic,  in 
which  the  moderate  man  and  genuine  Christian,  William 
the  Silent  was  called  the  Father  of  his  Countr}'.  The  city 
of  Rotterdam  became  the  chief  gateway  of  continental 
Europeans,  English  Separatists,  Dutch,  German,  Swiss, 
Walloons  and  French  Huguenots  to  America,  to  enrich  our 
country  with  their  gifts  and  graces. 

It  was  the  work  of  England,  during  the  first  century  of 
the  Reformation,  to  win  independence  from  Rome,  to  con- 
solidate the  nation,  and  to  centralize  all  power  of  Church 
and  State  in  the  throne.  In  this  same  period,  Holland  was 
a  laboratory  for  the  trial  and  experiment  of  the  greatest  of 
the  problems  which  were  to  effect  and  create  the  modern 
world.  These  were,  defiance  of  both  political  and  ecclesi- 
astical despotism,  freedom  of  consciene,  the  toleration  of  all 
creeds,  the  possibilities  of  federal  government,  the  solving 
of  problems  and  the  settlement  of  principles  that  now  lie  at 
the  foundations  of  civilization.  The  Republic  of  the  United 
States  of  the  Netherlands  was  then  the  van  leader  of 
Europe.  In  such  a  school  of  experience,  all  our  first 
colonial  military  men  and  most  of  our  founders  of  states 
were  trained,  and  the  people  of  the  Middle  Colonies  went 
forth  to  make  Distinctive  America. 

The  editor,  who  met  Dr.  J.  G.  de  Hoop  Scheffer,  in  1892, 
at  his  home  in  Amsterdam,  gladly  pays  tribute  to  the  filial 
devotion  of  the  author's  son,  the  translator.  He  is  glad  to 
present  this  contribution  to  what  is  essentially  a  part  of 
English  and  American  history.  The  scattered  children  of 
the  Mother  Land,  during  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth 
centuries,  dwelling  for  the  most  part  in  the  vSwissand  Dutch 


Editor's  Preface  xxi 

republics,  had  perhaps  as  much  to  do  with  the  making  of 
two  of  the  most  powerful  nations  of  the  world,  relatively, 
at  least,  as  have  now  the  mighty  commonwealths,  on  five 
continents,  which  are  bound  by  the  same  ties  of  language, 
culture,  inheritances  and  free  Christianity — let  us  hope — for 
the  world's  good. 

Nisi  Dominus  Frustra. 

W.  E.  G. 
Pulaski,  N.  Y. 
July  3,  1922 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

Page 
Illustration i 

Biographical  Notice iii 

Introduction ' viii 

Editor's  Preface xiii 

CHAPTERS 

I.  The  Rise  of  the  Free  Churches  in  England ■    i 

II.  The  Brownists  Flee  to  Holland lo 

III.  The  English  Exiles  in  the  Dutch  Republic 17 

IV.  The  Amsterdam  Brownists  Decline  to  join  the  Reformed"   27 
-   V.  Henry  Ainsworth's  Confession  of  Faith 32 

VI.     Principles  and  Practices 37 

VII.     Francis  Johnson.     His  Life  and  Work 44 

VIII.     The   Reformed,   Dutch   and   the   Walloons,  or  French- 
speaking  Belgians 49 

IX.     Grievances  of  the  Brownists  against  the  Dutch  Reformed     56 

X.     Quarrels  about  how  a  Woman  should  dress 64 

XL     Oppositions  from  Without.      The   Magistrate  vs.    The 

Domine 73 

XII.     John  Smyth,  who  Baptized  Himself 88 

XIII.  The  Two  Free  English  Congregations  in  Amsterdam  .      96 

XIV.  Flight  of  the  Scrooby  Independents  to  Holland  ....     107 
XV.     John  Smyth  Separates  from  the  Brownists no 

■    XVI.  The    Congregation    of    Francis    Johnson    and    Henry 

Ainsworth 116 

XVII.  The  Followers  of  Johnson  and  Ainsworth  ......  128 

XVIII.  The  Settlement  of  the  Free  Churchmen  in  Amsterdam  .  143 

XIX.  John  Smyth's  Change  of  Views  to  the  Mennonites  .    .    .  146 

XX.  John  Smyth's  Parting  Words 159 

XXI.  Fusion  of  Smyth's  Followers  with  the  Mennonites  .    .  163 

XXII.  Thomas  Helwys  and  his  Nine  Adherents 169 

XXIII.  The  End  of  the  Story 178 

APPENDICES 


List  of   Marriages  of   English  People   living  in  Amsterdam, 
from  1597  to  1617 185 


Table  of  Contents  xxiii 

B.  John  Smyth.     The  Diflfereuces  of  the  Churches.     A  Reprint  .     197 

C.  List  of  Passengers  on  the  "  I\I  ay  flower  "       208 

D.  John  Smyth's  Earliest  Confession  of  Faith 211 

E.  Letter  of  Thomas  Helwys  and  His  Church  to  the  Consistory 

of  the  United  Mennonite  Church  in  Amsterdam 214 

F.  Confession  of   Faith  of  the  "True   English  Church",  under 

Thomas  Helwys  in  Amsterdam  in  Nineteen  Articles    ...    215 

G.  A  Short  Confession  of  Faith,  in  Thirty-eight  Articles  Termed 

the  Confession  of  Lubbert  Gerritt  and  Hans  de  Ries  .    .    .     219 
H.   Confession  of  Faith  of  John  Smyth  and  His  People,  in  One 

Hundred  and  Two  Articles 231 


INDEX 

Page 
A. 

Ainswortb,  Henry 17-24,  32,  36,  37,  53,  78,  So,  81,  97, 

99,  105,  106,  109,  112,  118,  119,  121,  124,  127,  137,  143,  159 

Ainsworthians 128,  139,  140 

Ambassador,  English 63,  85,  86 

America 13,  51 

Ames  (Amesius) 119,  140 

Amsterdam 

City 26,  94,  III,  141,  142,  143 

Consistory 157 

Mennonite  Church 100,  164-166,  179 

Pilgrims,  in 100- 141 

Records 86 

Scotch  (English)  Church 24,  83,  100 

Anabaptists 31,  175,  176 

Antwerp 6 

Apocrypha 104 

Apostles'  Creed 41 

Apostolical  Succession 113,  146 

Argoll,  Captain 134 

Arminianism 97 

Arminius 18,  27,  32,  55,  96,  181 

Arnhem 104 

Austerfield 90 

Austin  Friars 20,  87 

Authority,  Seat  of 38 

B. 

Babworth 129 

Bakehouse 143-145,  166,  167,  169 

Bancroft,  Archbishop 85 

Baptism 5,  31,  iii,  113,  114,  123,  133,  149,  157,  180 

Baptists 9,  114,  143,  150,  168 

Baptists  in  the  Netherlands 180 

Barrows,  Isaac 15,  47,  48,  49,  86 

Barrowists 14,  20 

Begyn  Hof 24,  100,  142 

Belgic  Confession 33 

Belguim 7 

Bentivo^lio 18 


Index  xxv 

Bernard,  Richard 88,  90,  93,  94,  108,  109,  115 

Bible 40,  41,  104 

Bishops 14,  16,  77,  86,  90 

Blackwell,  Elder 132,  I34.  I35 

Book  Burning ■     •    ■    •    •  47 

Bradford,  William 89,  96,  98,  100,  102,  120,  185 

Brewster,  William 85,  86,  90,  85,  1 17 

Browne,  Robert 7-i3.  46 

Brownisten  Gang 141.  142 

Brownists 7-9,  13.  H,  30,  31,  37.  62,  84,  86,  90,  116,  120,  1.22, 

123,  127,  176,  iSi 

Broughton,  Hugh 45.  78-80,  82 

Burgess,  W.  N Uo 

Burials 4' 

Busher,  L ^76,  i77 

C. 

Calvin,  John 79.  123 

Cambridge 4.  6,  7.  94.  loi 

Cambridge  University 56,  76,  88,  89 

Campen 17.^9 

Canne,  John 140,  141 

Canterbury,  Archbishop  of 64 

Caon,  Noel  Sir 85 

Capital  Punishment 4° 

Carleton,  Sir  Dudley 85,  86 

Cartwright 6,  10,  11,  44 

Catholics See  Roman  Catholics 

Chicago 24,  100 

Children 6,  37,  98.  112 

Christmas 4°.  127 

Christology 151.  152,  170 

Church  and  State i,  9.  ^3.  35.  44.  49.  iSi 

Edifices      99.  132 

Theory i,  6,  8,  13,  58-60,  105,  121,  123,  131 

Government 37,  i3i-     See  Disapline 

Under  the  Cross 2 

Church  of  England 74,  75.  77,  78,  89,  131,  140,  172 

Clapham,  H 82 

Classis 62 

Clothes,  Controversy 63-72 

Clyfton,  Richard 9°,  91.  io7,  no,  m.  112,  115,  132 


xxvi  Index 

Colonies  iu  America 13,  51,  134 

Confession,  Gallica 2 

Confessions  of  Faith    ....  32,  33,  52,  54,  75,  100,  120,  148,  150,  151 

Conformists  .    .    .    ■    • 89 

Congregationalism 8 

Congregationalists 8,  9,  12,  93,  94 

Congregations 5 

Consistory 18,  55,  60,  61,  105,  106,  no 

Contributions See  Gibbs 

Coornhert i8r,  184 

Cranmer 12 

Cushman,  Robert 132,  135 

D. 

Deaconesses 86,  98 

Delf  shaven 117 

Delft 45 

Democracy .110 

De  RuAter 45 

Dexter,  H.  M I3>  26,  33,  75,  96,  97,  127,  144,  148 

Discipline 5,  6,  38,  58,  73,  80,  105,  121,  149,  170 

See  Church  Government 

Dress 39    See  George  Johnson 

Dutch  in  England 7,  10,  19,  86 

Dutch  Reformed 75 

East  India  Company 143,  144 

Editor's  Notes 7,  8,  15,  18,  19,  21,  22,  24,  26,  33,  39,  40,  50, 

77,  86,  99,  100,  117,  139,  140,  141,  158,         ,  184 

Edward  the  Sixth 2 

Elders 105 

E 

Ecluse,  Jean  de  1' 125,  126,  137,  140 

Elections 121 

Elizabeth,  Queen 2-7,  13,  176 

Eraden 59,  132,  133 

England 2-6 

English  Churches  in  Holland 82 

English  Exiles,  Betrothals  and  Marriages 185 

Ecluse,  Jean  de  1' 27-30 

Established  Church 1-4 

Excommunication 59,  80,  120 

Exiles 2,  30,  42,  52,  53,  75,  76,  78,  85,  87,  97,  172 


Index  xxvii 

F. 

Fainilists iy6 

Festival  Days 40 

Feudalism yy 

Flemish 146,  151 

Fletcher's  History  of  Independency 32,  33,  48 

Fraueher 140 

Free  Churchmen S 

Freedom  of  Religion 26,  100,  18  r 

Freedom  of  the  Press 85 

French  Authors 22 

Frisians 146,  151,  156 

G. 

Gainsborough      90>  93,  96 

Genealogies 

Geneva 2,  59 

George  III 100 

Gifts 105 

Gomarus 96 

Greenwood,  Henry      14,  47,  49,  86 

Gunpowder  Plot 93 

H. 

Hague 17,  47 

Hall,  Joseph 25,  1 10-120 

Hallam 77 

Hampton  Court 77 

Harderwijk 37,  50 

Harrison,  Robert 7,  10,  12,  46 

Hebrew  and  Greek 104 

Helwys,  Thomas loS,  114,  148-154,  169-174,  177,  178,  183 

Henry  VIII i 

Hessians 100 

Holidays 40 

Houses  of  Worship 18,  99 

Hudson    River 136 

I. 

Independents 104.     See  Pilgrim  Fathers 

Infant  Baptism 31,  119,  180 

Ireland 21,  133 

Islington 44,  52 


xxviii  Index 

J. 

Jacob,  Henry 73,  74,  184 

James,  King 75,  76,  85 

Jews      128,  139 

Johnson,  George 57,  64,  72,  78,  79,  80 

Johnson,  Francis  ....  16,  17,  32,  26,  42,  44-48,  64-72,  79,  86,  87,  88, 

118,  122,  124,  133,  181 

Johnson,  Mrs 64-72 

Junius,  Francis 24,  53,  62,  63 

K. 
Knox 9 

L. 

Lambeth  Articles 88,  97 

Latimer,  Hugh 176 

Lawne 128 

I'Ecluse,  see  Ecluse 

Leyden 21,  85,  96,  116-118,  125,  126,  131,  139 

Liberty  of  Conscience 26,  17,  99,  181-184 

Libraries 56,  89 

Liturgy 2,  4,  5 

London,  Dutch  Church  in 19,  86 

Longfellow 39 

Lord's  Prayer 35,  80,  90 

Lord's  Supper 34,  41,  152,  180 

M. 

Marriages 5,  16,  41,  82,  84,  185 

Martyrs 48,  172,  175 

Mary  Tudor 2,  3 

Masson,   Prof 183 

Mayflower 117 

Meeting  Houses 128,  132,  137,  141-142     See  Bakehouse 

Memorial  Windows 100 

Mennonites     .    .    .    .  8,  26,  30,  31,  112,  114,  146,  153,  154,  175,  176,  180 

Menno  Simons 151 

Middelburg 6,  10-12,  18,  26,  44,  45,  46,  73,  74,  86 

Morton,  Nathanael 90 

Munter,  Jan 143-146 

Murton,   John • 178 

Music 103 

N. 

Naarden 17,  20 

Names      148,  16S 


Index  xxix 

Napoleon 5° 

New  Netherlaud 7 

New  York 7 

Nightingale,  Rev.  B 142 

O. 

Oaths 180 

Officers 5-  8,  33.  35 

Old  Testament 40,  104 

Organs      • 5 

Original  Scriptures 104,  105,  106 

Overseers      105 

Oxford  University 76,  78 

P. 

Paget,  John 23,  25,  100,  128 

Pastors      105 

Pennypacker,  S.  W 

Perry,  John 14-16,  51 

Persecution      172 

Perth  Assembly 85 

Piggott 7,  loi 

Pilgrim  Fathers      15,  24,  86 

Plaucius 60,  78,  98 

Plymouth 39 

Pratt,  Waldo 39 

Prayer  Book 3.  77 

Priesthood  of  Believers 121 

Presbyterians 3,  99.  100.  ^39 

Printing 4,  10,  47,  63,  74,  85,  86,  106,  137 

Prisons M.  49.  64 

Psalms 39 

Pulpit 39 

Punishment,  Capital 40 

Puritans 4,  77,  94 

R. 

Raad  van  State 86 

Raines  Island 50,  5i.  56,  66 

Raleigh,  Sir  Walter 13 

Reformed  Church 40,  61 

Rembrandt 21,  139 

Robinson,  John 38,  94,  95.  107,  loS,  no,  131,  135,  140, 

164,  174,  177,  182 


XXX  Index 

Roman  Catholics 80,  112 

Rome,  Church  of 138 

Rotterdam 100 

S. 

Sabbath 40,  170 

Servants 85 

Sch we nkf elders      .    .    .    .  • 158 

Scotch  Brigade 100 

Scotch  Church  in  Amsterdam 100,  139,  145 

Scotch  Church  in  Rotterdam 145 

Scrooby 90,  94,  95,  97,  100,  107,  no 

Separatists 9 

Simons,  Menno 47 

Singing 103,  104 

Slade,  Matthew 52,  56-58,  8r,  82,  83 

Smyth,  John 88-104  108,  115,  143-154,  159-162,  164,  182 

Spain 86 

Speedwell "7 

Sterns'  History 45 

Synagogue 128 

T. 

Tablets 12,  24,  100,  142 

Taffiuus 27,  32,  33,  55 

Teliobaptists ii3>  176 

Texts  Quoted 64-70,  73,  104,  113,  122-124,  142 

Thorpe,  Gillius I37 

Toleration       35,  99 

Translations 39,  104,  105,  no    See  Original  Scriptures 

Tulp,  Doctor 139 

U. 

Ursinus • 99 

Utrecht I7 

VanHout,  John "6 

Virginia I34,  136 

Voting       121 

Voyages 5°,  ^34 

Wales 7 

Walker,  Williston 8 

Walloons 7,  27-30.  33.  49.  81,  82,  83,  125 

Welshmen      ^5 


Index  xxxi 

White,  Thomas 83,  84 

Widows       98 

William,  of  Orauge  (the  Silent) 18,  26,  181 

Williams,  Roger 21,  26 

Wincob,  John 139 

Wives  and  Daughters 69 

Women  Mentioned 15,  16,  37,  59,  60,  63-72,  86,  97,  98,  114, 

123,  130,  148,  155,  176 

Worksop 90,  108 

Wybrands,  R 158,  165 


CHAPTER  I 

The  Rise  of  the  Brownists 

^  1  ^O  inquiry  as  to  the  causes  of  the  great  stream  of 
-*-  English  exiles  into  Holland  during  the  reign  of 
Elizabeth  and  James  I  the  answer  is  clear. 

About  1570  ecclesiastical  affairs  in  England  were  in  a 
most  deplorable  state.  In  utmost  opposition  of  principles 
parties  stood  to  each  other.  The  power  of  the  State,  so 
far  from  promoting  the  unity  of  the  Church  acknowledged 
by  law  to  be  the  true  one,  roused  to  extreme  vigor  the 
opposition  of  thousands,  provoking  more  and  more  the 
angry  passions  in  human  nature.  The  State  enforced  its 
own  will  without  regard  to  the  feelings  of  possibly  half  of 
the  population. 

It  is  known  that,  by  act  of  parliament  of  the  3rd  Novem- 
ber, 1534,  the  Church  of  England  was  "  established," 
which  recognized  Henry  the  Eighth,  as  well  as  his  heirs 
and  successors  to  the  throne  as  its  only  supreme  head, 
before  long  bowing  down  to  him  as  to  God's  deputy,  and  as 
to  the  face  of  God  (Dei  vicem  genero  Deique  habens 
imaginem). 

In  the  bosom  of  that  very  church  two  factions  were  soon 
contending  for  supremacy.  The  one  was  headed  by  the 
Duke  of  Suffolk  and  Gardiner,  Bishop  of  Winchester.  The 
other  was  guided  and  seconded  by  Thomas  Cranmer,  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  and  Thomas  Cromwell,  the  King's 
vicar-general  or  vicegerent. 

No  sooner  were  the  projected  innovations  carried  into 
execution,  than  Gardiner  was  in  a  temper  to  stand  still,  as 
he  thought  the  government  organization  and  doctrine  of  the 
Church  as  satisfactory  as  possible.  Thomas  Cromwell,  on 
the  other  hand,  was  desirous  of  gradual,  but  more  radical 
changes.  The  former  and  his  adherents,  indeed,  saw  their 
influence  steadily  grow,  and  in  1540,  caused  Thomas  Crom- 


2  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

well's  fall,  and  exercised  absolute  authority  during  the 
last  seven  years  of  Henry's  reign. 

Their  triumph  ended  at  the  King's  decease,  January 
28th,  1547.  In  the  name  of  Edward  the  Sixth,  then  nine 
years  of  age,  the  government  of  the  realm  was  intrusted  to 
a  regency  which  was  exclusively  under  the  power  of  the 
opponent  party.  Its  leader  was  Thomas  Cranmer.  In 
1552,  the  forty-two  Articles  of  Religion,  concurring  in  the 
main  with  the  tenets  of  the  German  and  Swiss  reformers, 
were  promulgated.  The  liturgy  had  still  preserved  many  a 
practise  of  the  ancient  Church,  to  both  the  abolition  and 
renovation  of  which  the  government  was  inclined. 

The  whole  face  of  things,  however,  changed  all  at  once, 
for  the  young  King  died  July  6th,  1553.  Then  the  rigid 
Roman  Catholic,  Mary,  ascended  to  the  throne,  who,  one 
year  after,  was  espoused  to  Philip  II,  later  King  of  Spain, 
a  man  of  like  spirit  with  herself. 

Her  aversion  to  all  innovations,  introduced  under 
Edward's  reign,  was  to  be  expected.  She  desired  to  restore 
at  once  the  order  of  things  as  Henry  the  Eighth  had  left 
it.  With  the  aid  of  Gardiner  she  ejected  all  priests,  who 
had  given  up  the  practice  of  celibacy.  Shortly  after  she 
began  those  severe  persecutions,  to  which  Cranmer  fell  a 
victim  by  fire  and  in  which  all  five  thousand  martyrs  gave 
up  their  lives. 

Another  thousand  fled  to  Wesel,  Frankfort,  Geneva, 
where  they  were  heartily  welcomed  by  fellow-believers. 
These  members  of  secret  Reformed  Churches  under  the 
Cross  dispensed  with  and  later  made  it  an  article  of  faith  to 
abolish  symbols.  While  seeking  reality,  they  advocated  the 
most  rigid  republican  principles  with  regard  to  the  Church. 

The  refugees,  particularly  those  established  at  Frankfort, 
submitted  willingly  to  the  conditions  under  which  they 
were  allowed  to  meet  in  a  Church  edifice,  viz.:  they  should 
not  quarrel  about  outward  forms  or  ceremonies  and  had  to 
sign  the  Confessio  Gallica. 


The  Rise  of  the    Brownists  3 

It  is  true  that  they  still  made  use  of  the  Prayer  Book  of 
Edward  the  Sixth,  ordered  from  Geneva,  1554,  through  the 
influence  of  John  Knox  ;  but  they  omitted  the  liturgy,  re- 
sponsories  and  some  ceremonies.  These  people  afterwards 
took  the  name  of  Presbyterians.  Other  English  exiles, 
residing  at  Strasburg,  Grindall,  Chambers,  Cox,  protested 
against  these  proceedings  and  strictly  adherred  to  Edward's 
liturgy,  and  so  became  the  spiritual  fathers  of  the  Angli- 
cans. Yet  before  they  returned  to  their  home  land,  the 
two  factions  here  came  to  an  open  rupture. 

The  return  of  these  exiles  dates  from  about  November 
17th,  1558,  or  following  Queen  Mary's  death.  Her  suc- 
cessor, Elizabeth,  was  greatly  influenced  by  her  former 
confessor,  Matthew  Parker,  who,  December  17th,  1559,  was 
appointed  to  the  See  of  Canterbury.  In  February,  1559, 
she  took  upon  herself  the  supreme  direction  of  ecclesiastical 
affairs.  Four  months  later,  she  restored  the  liturgy  of 
Edward  the  Sixth. 

Clinging  close  to  the  showy  forms  and  ceremonies  of  the 
Roman  faith,  she  moulded  as  far  as  possible  according  to 
her  own  notions,  and  in  such  a  way  as  to  win  many  Romish 
subjects.  Causes  giving  offence  to  the  Popish  laity  were 
expunged.  Crucifixes  and  images  might  not  be  removed 
from  churches.  Priestly  vestments  could,  as  hitherto,  be 
worn,  and  sacred  hymns  be  chanted.  Because  of  these 
concessions  conformed  to  the  establishment,  especially  the 
foremost  leaders  of  the  Anglicans,  who  next  were  elevated 
to  dignified  positions. 

The  opposition  to  this  arbitrariness  was  furious.  The 
heads  of  the  contending  factions  during  this  period  of  great 
scarcity  of  preachers,  and  while  out  of  nine  thousand  par- 
ishes only  three  thousand  would  be  served  regularly,  pos- 
sessed themselves  of  the  pulpit  and  so  commanded  the 
public  mind  and  won  respect. 

These   earnest   workers  refused   to  comply  with  the  re- 


4  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

modeled  liturgy.  Though  EUzabeth  succeeded  in  bringing 
about  unity  of  doctrine  by  issuing  Edward  the  Sixth's 
forty-two  articles,  somewhat  modified  and  reduced  to 
thirty-nine,  the  public  worship  gradually  differed  from  the 
prescribed  uniformity. 

This  excited  the  Queen's  indignation  and  she  resolved  on 
putting  an  end  to  it  by  requiring  the  bishops  to  step  in  and 
make  use  of  the  civil  authority  by  Archbishop  Parker,  these 
prelates  published  an  advertisement,  threatening  to  depose 
every  clergyman  who  did  not  at  once  conform  himself  to 
the  "  established  "  mode  of  worship. 

Once  again  the  majority  submitted.  Only  a  feeble  minor- 
ity persisted  in  its  opposition,  Parker  gave  these  the  con- 
temptuous epithet  of  "  Precisians."  The  people  ironically 
called  them  "  Puritans." 

Some  of  the  leaders  of  these  opponents  :  Sampson,  Hum- 
phrey, Whittingham,  even  the  violent  Withers,  were  shortly 
afterwards  tempted  by  considerable  offices  into  clothing 
themselves  in  the  distinctive  uniform  of  the  clergy.  Their 
opposition  was  broken.  They,  however,  were  for  the  most 
part  replaced  by  far  less  flexible  men,  for  the  greater  part 
educated  at  the  University  of  Cambridge. 

Furthermore,  the  Church  now  having  the  power  of  law, 
deposed  a  great  many  opponents  in  April  1566.  The  gov- 
ernment on  June  29,  1566,  put  restraints  upon  printing. 
Those  dragged  from  the  conventicles  were  thrown  into 
prison  June  19,  1567.  Nevertheless,  the  claims  of  the  Puri- 
tans became  stronger  and  stronger.  Every  day  the  numbers 
refusing  the  authority  of  the  political  church  was  multiplied. 

This  progress  continued  during  the  four  subsequent  years. 
Pope  Pius  V  tried  to  force  England  to  submit  to  his  author- 
ity. The  conspiracy  of  Anne  of  Norfolk,  the  insurrection 
in  the  North,  fomented  by  creatures  of  the  papacy,  the 
correspondence  with  Mary  Stuart,  the  bull  issued  against. 
Elizabeth  continued  to  drive  the  English  people  into  total 


The  Rise  of  the   Brownists  5 

opposition  to  papal  authority.     The  aversion  to  what  savored 
of  Rome  became  intense. 

So  far,  the  continuation  of  various  practices  in  the  medi- 
val  forms  of  worship  had  been  regarded  with  slight  concern. 
Hitherto  the  scruples  of  the  Puritans  were  popularly  deemed 
absurd.  Now,  what  was  Roman  in  origin  began  to  irritate. 
Any  compliance,  most  worshipers  thought,  was  seconding 
the  Roman  Catholics  and  raising  their  hopes  of  an  early 
triumph. 

An  increasing  multitude  began  to  think  that  the  influence 
of  Rome  could  not  forever  be  stamped  out  unless  the 
boundary  line  was  drawn  more  clearly.  Church  order  and 
usage,  or,  in  a  word  :  discipline— a  principle  which  gave 
the  name  of  Disciplinarists  to  the  denomination — needed,  it 
was  thought,  a  total  reformation.  The  distinction  between 
bishops  (overseers)  and  Presbyters  (elders)  was  denied, 
since  in  the  New  Testament  all  Christians  were  alike. 

Nor  did  the  reformers  acknowledge  the  right  of  bishops 
to  have  seats  in  parliament,  or  to  take  part  in  any  other 
government.  The  Scriptures  know  no  archdeacons  or 
deacons  as  officers  with  authority  ;  no  spiritual  courts  using 
secular  power.  The  congregations  should  themselves 
choose  their  own  ministers.  It  was  a  scandal  to  appoint 
dumb-ministers,  pluralists  and  non-residents.  A  more  strict 
discipline  should  expel  unworthy  and  impenitent  persons 
from  the  I^ord's  supper. 

A  liturgy  with  set  forms— by  preference  that  of  Geneva — 
was  not  objectionable,  but  an  excessive  use  of  the  Lord's 
Prayer,  continual  responses  by  the  laity,  the  officiating  in 
Popish  apparel,  the  playing  of  the  organ,  should  be  disap- 
proved. No  holy  days,  no  fasts,  no  kneeling  at  the  Sacra- 
ment of  the  Lord's  Supper,  no  bowing  at  the  name  of  Jesus, 
no  sign  of  the  cross,  no  godfathers  at  baptism  when  the 
parents  were  still  alive.  The  bans  of  marriage  should  be 
proclaimed  publicly  in  the  church.     Children  of  the  age  of 


6  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

nine  or  ten  should  no  longer  be  received  as  members  of  the 
church.  Sunday  trading  should  be  rigidly  prohibited  by 
law. 

These  claims  were  set  up  by  the  Disciplinarist,  Thomas 
Cartwright,  the  friend  of  the  eminent  reformer,  Theodore 
Beza,  and  since  1569  professor  at  Cambridge,  who  was  their 
leader.  He  recruited  numerous  adherents  chiefly  from  the 
young  clergy.  His  success  sharpened  his  colleagues, 
Chatterton  and  Whitgift's  jealousy,  who  came  to  hate  his 
person.  Contrary  to  the  university's  wishes,  but  counte- 
nanced by  higher  order,  these  colleagues  succeeding  at  first 
in  suspending,  and  next  in  dismissing  Cartwright.  After 
continued  annoyances  they  even,  in  1574,  compelled  him  to 
take  shelter  in  foreign  parts.  He  went  to  Antwerp,  the 
usual  asylum  of  the  Puritans,  and  afterwards  joined  the 
English  merchants  residing  at  Middelburg.  At  both  places 
he  served  as  pastor  ;  at  Middelburg  until  1585,  when  he 
returned  to  England  for  the  sake  of  his  health. 

Meanwhile,  a  new  brotherhood  arose  in  England.  The 
Puritans  as  well  as  the  Disciplinarists  were  ever  hoping  by 
their  example  and  influence  to  reform  the  church  from 
within.  They  had  never  thought  of  leaving  it.  Cartwright 
and  his  followers  looked  for  religious  reform  and  awaited 
it  at  the  hands  of  the  civil  government.  When  this  had 
been  achieved  they  proposed  to  leave  the  church  substan- 
tially under  civil  control. 

In  fact  their  theory  of  the  church  was  as  unsuited  to  any 
genuine  and  thorough  reform,  as  it  was  unscriptural  in 
essence,  because  it  included  the  entire  baptized  population  ; 
trusting  to  church  discipline  to  raise  the  general  life  up  to 
the  Gospel  level.  In  this  was  the  same  mistake  as  that 
made  by  the  papal  system,  which,  with  no  difference  in  this 
vital  respect,  other  than  one  of  name,  it  was  seeking  to 
supplant. 

A  few  thinking  men  lost  patience  altogether.  They 
thought  the   church  with  its  gross  abuses  so  corrupt  that 


The  Rise  of  the   Brownists  7 

they  openly  preached  separation  from  it  as  the  only  remedy. 
In  1580  Robert  Browne,  with  his  friend  Robert  Harrison, 
put  himself  at  the  head  of  this  party.  Robert  Browne, 
born  1549,  chaplain  to  the  duke  of  Norfolk,  when  at  Cam- 
bridge, became  imbued  with  Puritan  principles,  on  account 
of  which  as  early  as  1571,  he  had  already  been  summoned 
for  trial.  The  first  complaints  against  him  as  a  Brownist, 
were  lodged  with  Lord  Burghley  by  the  Bishop  of  Norwich, 
April  19  and  August  2,  1581. 

Robert  Harrison,  in  the  Queen's  proclammation  of  1583 
(erroneously  called  "  Richard  Harrison),  because  a  student 
at  the  University  of  Cambridge  in  1564,  took  his  degree  of 
bachelor  in  1567,  graduated  in  1572.  and  in  1573  was  ap- 
pointed master  of  the  grammar  school  at  Aylsham  in  Nor- 
folk, shortly  after  he  was  dismissed  for  having  desired  a 
change  in  the  mode  of  baptism,  when  he  was  standing  as 
godfather.  Returning  to  Cambridge,  he  met  Browne  again, 
who,  since  1570,  had  been  a  student  there. 

The  two  men  agreed  most  harmoniously.  The  tie  of  their 
attachment  was  further  strengthened,  when  Browne,  who 
had  recently  scrupled  to  be  made  pastor  by  the  bishop,  in 
the  usual  manner,  was  in  Norfolk  in  the  very  circle  within 
which  Harrison  had  grown  up  and  both  were  "  verie  for- 
ward "  in  the  reformation  of  the  church. 

Browne  considered  it  a  duty,  that,  as  "  open  and  abomi- 
nable wickedness"  was  in  the  parishes  in  Cambridge  under 
the  anti- Christian  control  of  the  bishops,  "  everie  true 
Christian  was  to  leave  such  parishes  and  to  seek  the  Church 
of  God  wheresoever."  No  sooner  was  Harrison  appointed 
teacher  at  a  hospital  in  Norwich  than  Browne  left  for  that 
place  to  reside  with  him. 

In  1 57 1  no  fewer  than  2925  Dutch  and  Walloon"'^  or  Bel- 

*  This  word,  Walloou,  means  pilgrim,  stranger,  exile  or  foreigner — 
the  same  root  being  in  the  word  walnut,  Wales,  Wallachia  (and  by 
euphonic  change)  Galatians.  The  Walloons  furnished  the  first  set- 
tlers who  were  home  makers  in  New  York  and  the  Middle  States. 
See  "Story  of  New  Netherland,"  pp.  22-27  and  "  Belgium,  the  Land 
of  Art."— (Ed.) 


8  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

gian  Protestant  people  were  established  at  Norwich. 
Among  the  Dutch  Mennonites,  who  had  fled  thither  from 
the  persecutions  in  their  own  country,  a  new  mode  of  think- 
ing respecting  the  spirit  and  organization  of  the  Christian 
Church  or  congregation  was  brought  home  to  Browne.  As 
his  new  views  were  perfectly  similar  to  that  of  these  for- 
eigners, it  is  evident  that  he  acquired  them  from  these 
Mennonites. 

Browne,  however,  did  not  think  it  advisable  to  own  to 
full  facts  in  that  case  when  he  published  his  "  True  and 
short  declaration,  1584,"  lest  he  might,  in  addition  to  ever 
so  many  gibes,  be  reproached  with  the  appellation  of 
"  Anabaptist."  ''• 

It  was  then,  indeed,  that  Browne  heard,  for  the  first  time 
what  the  Mennonites  had  proclaimed  more  than  half  a  cen- 
tury earlier.  In  substance  the  Mennonite  belief  is  this  : 
Every  true  believer  has  not  only  the  right  but  is  even 
sacredly  bound  to  form  a  church  wheresoever  he  has  found 
none  to  join.  Such  churches  should  be  utterly  free  and  in- 
dependent associations,  subject  to  no  power  whatever,  but 
to  that  of  Jesus  Christ  alone.  They  were  authorized  in  the 
New  Testament  to  elect  their  own  pastors,  elders  and  dea- 
cons without  anybody's  interposition.  All  faithful  people 
were  equal  in  rank,  and  every  hierarchical  distinction  came 
of  evil.  In  a  word,  Browne  found  among  these  people  the 
complete  practice  of  what  afterwards  was  termed  in  England 
"Congregationalism."  They  were  Free  Churchmen.  Be- 
sides, he  got  to  know  their  views  on  God's  Kingdom,  as 
being  one  with  the  visible  church  ;  the  purity  of  manners 
they  exacted  from  the  faithful  ;  and  the  discipline  with  the 

*  This  seems  to  be  a  sufficient  explanation  and  proof  of  my  belief 
expressed  as  early  as  189 1,  of  the  fact  that  Browne  learned  from  the 
Dutch  in  Norwich  ;  otherwise  attempted  to  be  explained  by  Dr.  H. 
M.  Dexter  in  his  "Congregationalism"  but  apparently  accepted  by 
the  late  Professor  Williston  Walker,  with  whom  I  talked  on  this 
question. — Ed. 


The  Rise  of  the  Brownists  9 

non-iutercourse  and  excommunication  resulting  from  this 
view. 

It  is  not  surprising  that  just  as  the  first  Baptists  stood 
towards  Rome,  so  Browne  very  soon  stood  towards  the 
Church  of  England.  In  his  eyes  it  was  a  Babylon,  a  king- 
dom of  Satan,  and  communion  with  it  was  an  abomination 
to  him. 

This  was  the  origin  of  the  Separatists  or  separated  Puri- 
tans ;  or,  as  called  after  him,  of  that  of  the  "  Brownists," 
or  as  later  called  Congregationalists,  or  Free  Churchmen. 


CHAPTER    II 
The  Brownists  Flee  Into  the  Dutch  Republic 

THE  Brownists  had  at  first  but  one  congregation.  It  was 
at  Norwich.  According  to  George  Johnson,  Hunter 
was  its  pastor,  at  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century. 
But  even  this  single  church  was  objectionable  to  the  State 
Churchmen.  They  did  not  rest  till  Browne  and  his  follow- 
ers were  hunted  out  of  the  country.  Except  the  few,  of 
necessity  compelled  to  stay,  the  rest,  some  fifty  or  sixty, 
fled  with  Browne  and  Harrison  to  Middelburg,  in  the  au- 
tumn of  1581  (and  not  in  1585,  as  Price  says  in  his  "  His- 
tory of  Nonconformity,"  nor  in  1584,  as  stated  in  Han- 
bury's  Memorials). 

At  Middleburg   they  found   their  former    teacher    Cart- 
wright  at  the  head  of  the  congregation  of  the  English  mer- ' 
chants.     No  durable  union  with  these  could  be  expected. 

This  is  clear  from  the  number  of  writings  which  they 
published  in  the  Republic  in  which  Hanbury  was  free  and 
which  were  as  well  hostile  to  their  persecutors  as  to  Cart- 
wright's  partisans.  The  publisher  was  Richard  Schilders, 
or  as  placed  on  the  title-page  Richard  Paynter,  which  is  the 
English  translation  of  the  Dutch  name. 

These  writings  are  :  "  A  treatise  for  reformation,  without 
tarying  for  anie,  and  for  the  wickednesse  of  those  Preachers 
which  will  not  reforme  till  the  Magistrate  commande  or 
conipell  them  "  (18  pages)  ;  — "  A  Booke  which  sheweth 
the  life  and  manners  of  all  true  Christians,  and  how  unlike 
they  are  unto  Turks  and  Papistes  and  Heathen  folke  " 
(.III  pages);  — "A  treatise  upon  the  23  of  Matthewe, 
both  for  an  order  of  studying  and  handling  the  scriptures, 
and  also  avoyding  the  Popishe  disorders  and   ungodly  com- 


The  Brownists  Flee  into  the  Dutch  Republic  11 

munion  of  all  false  Christians,  and  especiallie  of  wicked 
Preachers  and  hirelings  "  (44  pages  ; — all  three  in  quarto 
and  published  at  Middleburg  and  written  by  Robert  Rrowne. 

Further  ;  "  A  little  Treatise  uppon  the  firste  verse  of  the 
122  Psalm.  Stirring  up  unto  carefull  desiring  and  dutiful! 
labouring  for  true  Church  Government  "  (VI  and  24  page 
16°)  ; — and  "  A  letter  intercepted  from  R.  H.  one  of 
Browne's  faction  discovering  in  part  his  great  disliking  of 
the  Browne's  schismatical  practises,"  in  8°°, — both  dated 
1583  and  written  by  Robert  Harrison. 

To  this  last  letter  Cartwright  answered  with:  "An 
answere  unto  a  letter  of  Master  Harrisons"  (see  Brook, 
Cartwright  page  304),  to  which  Browne  replied  :  "  An  an- 
swere to  Master  Cartwright  his  letter,  for  joinyingwith  the 
English  Churches." 

Collier,  Brook  and  Hanbury  represent  that  the  Brownists 
at  first  joined  Cartwright's  church,  but  separated  from  it 
afterwards.  In  Cartwright's  letter  of  1583  we  read: 
' '  Your  first  page  had  raysed  me  unto  some  hope  for  the 
reuniting  *  of  your  selfe  with  the  rest  of  your  Company 
unto  us." 

The  new  congregation  at  Middelburg  was  not  hindered 
by  the  magistrates  in  the  exercise  of  its  religious  worship, 
though  the  members  were  not  allowed  to  do  so  publicly,  or 
to  propagate  their  doctrines.  This  was  not  ever  granted  to 
the  Puritans,  according  to  the  records  of  the  consistory  of 
the  Reformed  Church  at  Middelburg,  March  21  and  28  and 


*Now  mark  :  not  uniting  but  reuniting.  All  the  same,  Dexter 
(Congregationalism,  p.  75  note  71)  denies  it.  However  this  may  be, 
I  shall  not  decide  between  them.  I  shall  only  say  that  they  joined 
Cartwright's  church,  but  for  a  short  time.  The  great  prejudices  they 
had  against  Cartwright,  growing  out  of  his  not  withdrawing  from  a 
Church  so  very  corrupt  and  so  totally  destitute  of  discipline  as  the 
English  one,  had  not  died  away. 


12  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

May  2,  1592.  These  strangers  must  worship  in  private 
houses.* 

From  another  side,  the  existence  of  the  Brownists  was 
endangered.  Internal  dissensions  arose.  The  rigid  prac- 
tice of  strict  discipline,  or  rather  Browne's  violent  temper 
and  arrogance,  were  the  cause.  Provoked  by  the  opposi- 
tion he  met,  and  at  the  instigation  of  his  wife,  thrice, 
within  two  years,  he  threw  up  his  ministry,  each  time  yield- 
ing to  the  entreaties  of  his  partisans  to  fill  it  again. 

Harrison,  teacher  of  the  church  of  which  Cartwright  had 
said:  "I  shall  willingly  hearken  unto  any,  much  more 
unto  you,  upon  whom  the  Lord  in  mercy  hath  bestowed 
good  graces,  showing  better  things,"  was,  in  Browne's 
eyes,  too  moderate. 

Harrison  had  the  largest  number  of  adherents.  Only 
four  or  five  families  joined  Browne,  when,  about  December 
1583,  he  left  for  Scotland  where  he  remained  fully  two 
years  (and  not  simply  three  months,  as  Stillingfleet,  in  his 
"  Unreasonableness  of  Separation,"  misstates.) 

Thenceforward  Browne  travelled  up  and  down  Scotland 
and  England,  preaching  where  he  could  obtain  hearers. 
On  these  journeys,  he  underwent  imprisonment  no  fewer 
than  thirty-two  times. 

At  length  his  influential  family  and  friends,  whose  inter- 
cessions from  time  to  time  procured  his  release,  despaired  of 

*  The  following  is  the  text  of  the  Memorial  bronze  tablet  in  the 
English  Church  edifice  in  Middelburg. 

1582  1913 

ONE    IN    CHRIST 

To  .  the  .  glory  .  of    the  .  Triune  .  God 

In  honor  of  .  William  .  of  Nassau     and  .  the  .  hospitable  city 

of  .  Middelburg     and    to     the  .  founders  .  of 

Modern  .  Congregational  .  Order 

Browne  .  Cartwright  .  Harrison 

The  .   Congregational  .   Sunday   .   Schools  .  of .  the   .  United 

States  .  of  .  America  .  gratefully  ,  rear  .  this  .  Memorial 

September    1913 


The  Brownists  Flee  into  the  Dutch  Republic   13 

protecting  him  any  longer.  Excommunication  followed  in 
1586. 

It  was  about  that  same  time,  or  somewhat  later,  that  he 
all  at  once  changed  his  side.* 

The  fruitlessness  of  his  efforts,  perhaps  still  more  than 
the  alluring  proposals  of  his  considerable  family,  actuated 
him  to  abandon  suddenly  the  cause  which  he  had  so  strenu- 
ously defended,  and  to  recant  all  his  opinions. 

The  loss  of  the  perfidious  apostate  **  was  no  heavy  blow 
to  his  adherents  in  England.  More  than  ever  they  now 
avoided  the  name  of  Brownists,  while  in  the  meantime  more 
learned  and  more  serious  persons  joined  them.  Soon  after 
this  their  number  increased  to  twenty  thousand,  as  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh  stated  in  Parliament,  February  1592.  Even 
Shakespeare  "  played  to  the  galleries"  in  mention  of  them 
disparagingly. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  fury  of  opposition  increased  too. 
To  the  demand  of  many  members  of  Parliament  to  inquire 
into  the  lawfulness  of  the  persecutions  against  the  Puritans, 
Elizabeth  responded  by  ordering,  1592,  a  bill  of  coercion  to 
be  brought  in. 

It  was  enacted,  that  any  person  above  the  age  of  sixteen, 
who  refused  to  attend  public  worship  during  the  space  of  a 
month,  or  who  induced  others  to  doubt  of  the  supremacy  of 
the  Queen  in  ecclesiastical  affairs,  or  who  dissuaded  any  one 
to  frequent  the  church,  or  to  partake  at  the  communion 
table,  and  who  himself  attended  religious  assemblies  others 
than  those  of  the  Episcopal  Church,  should  be  committed 
to  prison.  The  delinquent  should,  within  three  months, 
solemnly  recant  his  sentiments,  confess  his  errors,  and  sub- 

*  Dexter,  (Congregationalism  p.  Si)  says,  that  he  was  already  made 
master  of  Saint  Olave's  grammar  school,  November  21,  1586,  but 
Waddington  ( Cougregational  History,  p.  23)  assigns  February  2, 
1589,  as  the  date. 

**  Dexter's  judgment  on  Browne  is  more  favorable,  rather  too 
favorable,  I  think. 


14  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

rait  himself  implicitly,  or  otherwise  adjure  the  realm,  and 
if  he  returned,  he  should  suffer  death. 

This  statute  was  a  forceful  weapon  in  the  hands  of  the 
ecclesiastical  commissioners.  Numerous  imprisonments 
were  shortly  followed  by  trials  for  treason  and  leze  majesty, 
of  which  the  Brownists  were  accused,  because  of  their  non- 
conformity with  the  Episcopal  Church. 

The  prisons  were  soon  full  of  Brownists  confined  for  two, 
and  some  even  for  four  or  five  years.  A  few  died  there  of 
exhaustion  and  want.  On  one  single  day,  April  5,  1593, 
above  j&fty-six  were  thrown  into  prison,  among  whom  was 
their  pastor,  Francis  Johnson,  their  teacher,  John  Green- 
wood and  their  elder  Daniel  Studley. 

A  petition  for  an  open  disputation,  to  defend  their  views, 
was  contemptously  refused.  Nor  was  this  even  granted  to 
Henry  Barrowe,  one  of  the  prominent  and  most  learned 
among  the  Brownists.  A  supplication  to  be  admitted  to 
bail,  according  to  their  right  of  citizenship,  in  order  to 
meet  the  needs  of  wives  and  children,  was  also  ineffective. 

At  length,  as  the  poor  prisoners  persisted  in  their  con- 
victions, and  as  temptations  and  menaces  were  equally 
powerless,  the  commissioners  resolved  on  making  an  exam- 
ple. The  bishops  were  more  inclined  to  do  so,  as  they  were 
very  desirous  of  displaying  their  power,  and  authority  be- 
fore the  members  of  parliament,  many  of  whom  still  doubted 
the  legality  of  the  commissioners'  rights. 

On  April  6,  Barrowe  and  Greenwood,  and  on  May  29,  1593, 
John  Penry  were  put  to  death,  accused  of  high  treason. 
Poor  men  !  They  never  meddled  with  politics  and  never 
asked  anything  of  the  State.  On  the  contrary,  they  always 
displayed  a  most  disinterested  zeal  for  the  welfare  of  their 
country.  They  were  ready,  as  they  said,  to  shed  their 
blood  in  defence  against  the  Pope  and  the  King  of  vSpain. 

John  Penry,  expecting  that,  after  his  death,  his  followers 
would   be  either   scattered   or   perhaps  banished,    wrote  a 


The  Brownists  Flee  into  the  Dutch  Republic   15 

parting  letter  in  the  following  terms:  "And  mj'  good 
brethren,  seeing  banishment  with  loss  of  goods  is  likely  to 
betide  you  all,  prepare  yourselves  for  this  hard  entreaty, 
and  rejoice  that  you  are  made  worthy  for  Christ's  cause  to 
suffer  and  bear  all  these  things.  And  I  beseech  you,  in  the 
bowels  of  Jesus  Christ,  that  none  of  you  in  this  case  look 
upon  his  particular  estate,  but  regard  the  general  state  of 
the  Church  of  God,  that  the  same  may  go  and  be  kept  to- 
gether, whithersoever  it  shall  please  God  to  send  you.* 

"Let  not  those  of  you,  that  either  have  stocks  in  your 
hands,  or  some  likely  trades  to  live  by,  dispose  of  yourselves 
where  it  may  be  most  commodious  for  your  outward  estate, 
and  in  the  meantime  suffer  the  poor  ones,  that  have  no  such 
means,  either  to  bear  the  whole  work  upon  their  weak 
shoulders,  or  to  end  their  days  in  sorrow  and  mourning  for 
want  of  outward  and  inward  comforts  in  the  land  of 
strangers.  But  consult  with  the  whole  church.  Yea,  with 
the  brethren  of  our  places  how  the  church  may  be  kept  to- 
gether, and  built,  whethersoever  they  go.  Let  not  the  poor 
and  the  friendless  be  forced  to  stay  behind  here,  and  to 
break  a  good  conscience  for  want  of  your  support  and  kind- 
ness unto  them,  that  they  may  go  with  5'ou. 

"And  there  I  humbly  beseech  you — not  in  any  outward 
regard,  as  I  shall  answer  before  my  God — that  you  would 
take  my  poor  and  desolate  widow,  and  my  mess  of  father- 
less and  friendless  orphans  with  you  into  exile,  whither- 
soever you  go  ;  and  you  shall  find,  I  doubt  not,  that  the 
blessed  promises  of  my  God,  made  unto  me  and  mine,  will 
accompany  them,  and  even  the  whole  church  for  their 
sakes." 

*The  first  "Pilgrim  Father"  was  the  martyr,  John  Peury,  the 
Welshman.  In  his  letter  we  have  the  first  intimation  of  the  emigra- 
tion of  the  Free  Churchman,  who  became  the  "  Pilgrim  Fathers,"  a 
term  first  used  in  the  year  1797. — Ed. 


16  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

To  his  wife  he  wrote  : 

"  6th  of  the  4th  Month  of  April,  1593 

"  I  am  ready,  pray  for  me,  aud  desire  the  church  to  pray 
for  me,  much  and  earnestly.  The  Lord  comfort  thee  ;  be 
not  dismayed,  I  know  not  how  thou  dost  for  outward 
things,  but  my  God  will  provide.  My  love  be  with  thee, 
now  and  ever,  in  Jesus  Christ.  I  besought  the  church  to 
take  my  poor  or  desolate  widow,  and  my  mess  of  fatherless 
and  friendless  orphans  with  you  into  exile,  withersoever  you 
go  or  commanded  them  to  Him  who  will  hear  their  cry,  for 
He  is  merciful." 

His  daughter.  Deliverance,  indeed,  resided  some  time 
with  Francis  Johnson.  She  married  May  14,  161 1,  at 
Amsterdam. 

Occasion  soon  appeared  for  these  persecuted  people  to 
take  John  Penry's  wise  advice.  True,  after  the  execution 
of  the  three  martyrs  a  great  many  prisoners  regained  their 
liberty.  But  the  severity,  with  which  the  Johnson's  and 
others  were  treated  in  prison  clearly  showed  the  bishops 
to  be  quite  serious,  when  threatening  to  remand  all  liberated 
persons,  who  neglected  to  attend  the  State  Church  or 
continued  their  conventicles. 


CHAPTER  III 
The  Exiled  Brownists  in  the  Dutch  Republic 

HENRY  AINSWORTH,  a  young  man  of  only  twenty- 
two  years,  who  by  his  own  statement  was  born  at 
Swanton — probably  Swanton  near  Norwich — put  himself  at 
the  head  of  the  fugitive  Free  Churchmen.  Fletcher 
("History  of  Independence,"  vol.  II,  page  209)  misstates 
that  Francis  Johnson  was  the  leader,  and  that  in  the  course 
of  a  short  time  after  Johnson's  settlement  in  Holland, 
Henry  Ainsworth  joined  him.  The  fact  is,  that  Johnson 
was  then  still  in  prison,  and  that  he  was  not  at  Amsterdam 
till  1597,  four  years  after  Ainsworth's  arrival  there. 

Despite  his  early  age,  Ainsworth  proved  to  be,  by  his 
foresight,  by  his  excellent  care  for  the  brethren  and  by 
strength  of  purpose,  fully  qualified  for  his  difficult  task. 
He  fixed  on  Amsterdam  as  place  of  settlement. 

Fletcher  again  falls  into  a  mistake  when  informing  us 
(vol.  II,  page  209)  that  Amsterdam,  Rotterdam,  the 
Hague,  Eeyden  and  Utrecht  were  the  principal  cities  of 
refuge  for  the  persecuted  exiles.  Now  in  1593,  Amster- 
dam was  the  only  one  ;  Leyden  not  till  1608.  Of  the  other 
places  named  no  record  is  extant.  Of  Campen  and  Naarden 
more  anon. 

Why  was  Amsterdam  chosen  ?  Were  they  still  in  fresh 
memory  of  the  difficulties  met  by  Browne  at  Middelburg  ? 
In  all  probability,  they  were  informed  of  the  forbearance  of 
burgomaster  Cornells  Pieterszoon  Hooft  and  of  the  other 
Amsterdam  magistrates,  who  promised  them  more  liberties 
than  they  enjoyed  in  Zealand,  at  least  afterwards.  Joseph 
Hall  ("A  common  apology  of  the  Church  of  England," 
page  124)  says  :  — "  hearing,  both  at  Middleburgh  and  here, 
that  certain  companies  from  the  parts  of  Nottingham  and 
Leicester,  whose  harbingers  had  been  newly  in  Zealand 
before  me,  meant  to  retire  themselves  to  Amsterdam  for 
their  full  liberty. ' ' 


18  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

It  nia}^  also  be,  that  it  had  come  to  their  ears,  that  Am- 
sterdam, envious  of  the  benefits  which  the  Middelburg 
trade  was  reaping,  an  account  of  the  English  merchants  or 
adventurers  dwelling  there,  was  desirous  of  bringing  in  an 
industrious  population  of  Englishmen.  Moreover  the  recent 
extension  of  the  town  in  1593,  enabled  Amsterdam  to 
accommodate  all  the  newcomers. 

Of  the  attempts  to  draw  these  English  exiles  into  Amster- 
dam we  read  in  Bentivoglio's  Relazione  di  Fiandra  : — "  sono 
quasi  tutti  d'  Puritani  d'  Inghelterra,  che  per  occasion  di 
commercio  frequentan  1'  Ollanda  e  le  altre  Provincie  unite. 
I  Puritani  Inglesi  sono  in  Amsterdam  quasi  tutti  per 
I'istesso  rispetto,  e  se  ne  trattengono  alcuni  medesimameute 
per  occasione  di  mercantia  nella  citta  di  Middelburgo  in 
Zelanda." 

Yet  the  right  of  residence  in  Amsterdam  was  something 
to  be  asked  for  beforehand.  The  Reformed  ministers  took 
the  lead  in  reminding  them  thereof : — "  non  ex  uUo  pravo 
adversus  illos  afFectu,"  as  these  ministers  maintain  in  the 
"  Epistolae  ecclesiasticae  et  theologicae,"  and  sureh',  not 
in  a  very  friendly  way.  No  sooner,  indeed,  had  the  Brown- 
ists  became  intimate  with  one  Israel  Janszoon  of  Amster- 
dam, and  made  arrangments  for  the  regular  exercise  of 
their  public  worship  in  his  house,  than  the  Reformed  min- 
ister Jacob  Arminius  on  July  8,  1593,  gave  notice  to  the 
Consistory. 

Being  considered  a  matter  of  high  importance,  which 
should  not  be  connived  at,  Arminius  was  ordered  to  repri- 
mand and  keep  a  strict  hand  over  Israel  Janszoon,  so  as  to 
stop  all  further  assemblies.  (See  Protocol  of  the  said  Con- 
sistory,=■'  II,  1589-1597,  folio  114  and  115.) 

*  Consistory  is  the  name  and  title  of  the  governing  board  of  "min- 
ister, elders  and  deacons"  of  a  Reformed  Dutch  Church  ;  which  was 
adopted  very  early  in  the  history,  even  in  the  days  of  persecution,  of 
these  "  churches  in  the  Netherlands  sitting  under  the  cross." 
William  the  vSilent  thought  it  too  ambitious,  and  too  much  like  the 
papal  court  of  the  same  name.  It  is  still  the  highest  unit  of  authority 
in  the  local  church.  The  Great  Consistor}'  includes  all  living  office 
holders,  present  or  past. — Ed. 


The  Exiled  Brownists  in  the  Dutch  Republic   19 

The  Consistory  even  gave  information  of  this  matter  to 
the  magistrate  : — "  Nos  enim  cum  eos  hue  appulisse  et  con- 
ventus  agere  intellexissemus,  officii  nostri  fuisse  existima- 
vimus  et  illos  mouere,  ne  quid  absque  Magistratus  venia 
hie  tentarent  et  simul  Magistratui  indicium  de  illorum  con- 
ventibus  facere."      (Epistolae  eccl.  et  theol.  page  79  B). 

Moreover,  questions  about  the  principles  of  rehgion  were 
propounded  to  the  exiles,  and  to  their  persecutors  in  Eng- 
land while  to  the  Dutch  Church  in  Eondon*  application 
was  made  for  information.  More  than  this.  The  vigilance 
of  the  Amsterdam  Consistory  was,  indeed  not  yet  laid  to 
sleep. 

Verj'  interesting  was  a  placard  from  the  rival  city  of 
Campen,  which  was  posted  in  several  places  in  Amsterdam 
and  which  read  : 

"In  the  year  1592,  on  the  fifth  of  December,  it  has 
pleased  the  burgomasters,  aldermen,  council  and  jury,  that 
all  persons  of  what  nation  soever,  who,  from  this  time  forth, 
between  this  day  and  May  of  the  year  ninety  four,  take 
their  abode  and  settle  down  in  this  city  of  Campen,  to  exer- 
cise and  practice  their  handicraft,  trade  and  traffic,  shall 
enjoy,  without  and  within  the  jurisdiction  of  this  City,  at 
sea  and  on  land,  the  same  rightsof  citizenship  and  privileges 
as  are  now  enjoj^ed  by  all  other  citizens,  without  paying 
any  compensation  for  it,"  etc.  Book  of  Resolutions  (Rec- 
ords) of  that  City,  1587-1612  folio  16). 

To  cause  this  publication  to  be  known  widely,  seven  hun- 
dred copies  of  it  were  printed,  as  entered  in  the  municipal, 
accounts. 

According  to  John  Payne,  some  Brownists  availed  them- 
selves of  this  invitation.  It  was  bruited  abroad  and  again 
the  Amsterdam  Consistory  interfered  and  wrote  an  admoni- 


*  Still  iu  active  existence  at  Austin  Friars,  off  Bishopgate  Street, 
to  whom  the  editor  owes  thanks  for  a  copy  to  their  printed  records, 
sent  him  in  1921. — Ed. 


20  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

tion  to  the  Reformed  at  Campen.  In  aforesaid  protocol 
(folio  ii8,  September  2,  1593)  we  read  :  "  Whereas  it  was 
learned  that  some  Englishmen  have  settled  down  in  Cam- 
pen,  and  were  received  by  the  magistrate  of  Campen,  with 
civility  and  kindness,  and  whereas  it  was  learned  that  they 
are  in  England  Schismatics,  called  Baroister  (Barrowists), 
who  also  sometimes  repair  to  foreign  parts,  it  has  been 
agreed  to  inform  thereof  the  consistory,  without  any  delay, 
and  to  order  Arminius  to  do  so." 

No  choice  was  left  to  the  English  exiles  in  Amsterdam. 
They  could  only  petition  for  the  right  of  residence-,  and 
leave  Amsterdam  at  once,  till  a  favourable  answer  had  come 
in.  The  petition  referred  to  the  "  consensus  in  doctrine," 
certainly  not  as  to  the  order  of  their  church,  etc.,  but  "in 
doctrina  "  with  the  Reformed  in  Holland.  (Epistolae  eccl. 
et  theol.  II,  page  79''.) 

The  exiles  set  forth  for  Naardeu.  In  said  "  Epistolae  " 
we  read,  that  the  Church  was  at  Naarden  before  it  came  to 
Amsterdam.  Hence  they  are  called  in  the  records  of  the 
Holland  Reformed  congregation,  October  12,  1595,  and  of 
the  Walloon  church,  February  12,  1596  :  "the  English  of 
Naarden;"  "  les  Anglais  de  Naarden."  This,  too,  ac- 
counts for  the  gifts  the  magistrate  of  Naarden  sent  for  the 
benefit  of  the  Amsterdam  Brownists,  in   1595. 

It  is  not  surprising  that  the  Reformed  ministers  were 
consulted  about  the  matter.  These  furnished  the  informa- 
tion they  had  from  England,  including  the  highly  unfa- 
vorable and  partial  one  of  the  Church  of  England. 

The  Reformed  ministers  of  Amsterdam  finding  the  burgo- 
masters averse  to  any  persecutions,  thought  proper  to  as- 
sume an  expectant  attitude.  This  was  done  so  that  they 
might  afterwards  be  able  when  the  English  were  allowed  to 
settle  down  in  Amsterdam  to  say  that  it  was  not  granted 
"invitisministris,"  and  that  they  had  never  had  the  intent 
to  make  opposition  to  it.     All  the  same,  Ainsworth  and  his 


The  Exiled  Brownists  in  the  Dutch  Republic  21 

partisans  maintained,  and  that  rightly,  that  they  owed  the 
grant  exclusively  to  the  magistrate. 

At  length,  they  had  found  a  safe  place  of  refuge.  They 
established  themselves  by  preference  in  the  new  part  of 
Amsterdam,  extend  along  the  Inner-Amstel  (Binnen-Am- 
stel)  from  the  old  Reguliers  Gate  (Munt  (mint)  tower)  to 
the  Blue  Bridge  and  the  adjacent  low  land  neighbourhood 
near  the  city-walls,  now  called  Rembrandt  Plain  (Square*) 
and  Amstel  Street. 

After  having  made  from  England  all  preparations  and  ar- 
rangements for  the  departure  of  these  exiles,  Ainsworth 
joined  the  Brownists  in  Ireland,  remaining  only  for  a  short 
time.  He  came  out  of  Ireland,  with  other  poor,  to  unite 
himself  permanently  with  his  fellow-believers  at  Amsterdam. 

Soon  after  beginning  his  services  as  teacher  of  the  congre- 
gation, Ainsworth's  eminent  talents  displayed  themselves. 
He  was  a  man  of  extensive  knowledge,  though  he  seems  not 
to  have  been  educated  in  a  university.  Roger  Williams,  in 
his  book,  "  The  Bloudy  Tenant  of  Persecution  for  cause  of 
Conscience  Discussed  "  says  of  him  :  "  that  most  despised 
(while  living)  and  now  much  honored  Mr.  Ainsworth,  had 
scarce  his  peere  amongst  a  thousand  Academians  for  the 
Scripture  Originalls,  and  yet  he  scarce  set  foot  within  a 
Colledge  walls."  His  profound  knowledge  of  the  Hebrew 
language  is  exhibited  in  his  exposition  of  the  Pentateuch 
(1616-1619),  of  the  Psalms,  (1612,  reprinted  1617).  and  of 
the  song  of  Solomon,**  which  appeared  in  1623  and  after 
his  death. 

Ainsworth's  works  were  collected  in  a  folio  edition  in 
1627  and  reprinted  in  1639.    According  to  John  Robinson,  a 

*  Where  in  1906,  at  the  Tecentenary  of  the  great  artist  of  Puritanism, 
who  was  a  neighbor  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  in  Leyden,  the  wreaths 
of  artists  from  all  over  the  world  were  laid  ou  his  statue,  the  author 
being  present. — Ed. 

**  Ainsworth's  scholarly  writings  were  frequently  consulted  by  the 
makers  of  the  Revised  version  of  i87o-'84. — Ed. 


22  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

commentary  ou  Hosea,  notes  on  the  Gospel  according  to  St. 
Matthew,  and  on  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  which  Ains- 
worth  left  at  his  death,  in  manuscript,  were  not  published 
owing  to  disagreement  about  remuneration. 

Nor  were  Ainsworth's  abilities  less  appreciated  by  some 
in  the  University  of  Leyden,  who  were  eminent  in  the 
knowledge  of  ancient  tongues.  They  said,  they  thought 
he  had  not  his  superior  in  the  Hebrew  language  in  the  uni- 
versity, nor  scarce  in  Europe. 

Even  in  France  justice  was  done  to  his  acquirements.  In 
Moreri,  Grand  Dictionnaire  historique  Ainswoith  is  called  : 
"  celebre  commentateur  de  I'Ecriture  .sainte."-'  William 
Bradford,  a  man  of  like  spirit  with  Ainsworth,  states  :  "  He 
had  an  excellent  gift  of  teaching  and  opening  the  Script- 
ures ;  and  things  did  flow  from  him  with  that  facility,  plain- 
ness and  sweetness,  as  did  much  affect  the  hearers.  He 
was  powerful  and  profound  in  doctrine  and  had  his  excel- 
lency above  many,  that  he  was  most  ready  and  pregnant  in 
the  Scriptures,  as  if  the  book  of  God  had  been  written  in 
his  heart  ;  being  as  ready  in  his  quotations,  without  tossing 
and  turning  his  book,  as  if  they  had  laid  open  before  his 
eyes,  and  seldom  missing  a  word  in  the  citing  of  any  place, 
teaching  not  only  the  word  and  doctrine  of  God,  but  in  the 
words  of  God,  and  for  the  most  part  in  a  continued  phrase 
and  words  of  Scripture.  He  used  great  dexterity  and  was 
ready  in  comparing  Scripture  with  Scripture,  one  with 
another." 

For  his  character,  Bradford  further  bestows  on  him  still 
more  praise:  "He  was  a  man  very  modest,  amiable  and 
sociable  in  his  ordinary  course  and  carriage,  of  an  innocent 
and  unblamable  life  and  conversation,  of  a  meek  spirit,  and 
a  calm  temper,  and  not  easily  provoked.     And  yet  he  would 

*  Another  French  author  splits  Ainsworth's  personality  in  two  the 
awful  heretic  and  the  mighty  scholar,  though  there  was  but  one 
Ainsworth  Free  Churchman  and  learned  Christian. — Ed. 


The  Exiled  Brownists  in  the  Dutch  Republic   23 

be  something  smart  in  his  style  to  the  opposer  in  his  pubHc 
writings  ;  at  which  we  that  have  seen  his  constant  carriage, 
both  in  public  disputes  and  the  managing  of  all  church 
affairs  and  such  like  occurrances,  have  sometimes  marvelled. 
In  a  word,  a  man  of  thousand." 

Let  those  who  take  this  for  an  exaggerated  eulogy,  on 
the  part  of  a  most  faithful  friend,  compare  it  with  the  judg- 
ment of  men  of  a  quite  different  disposition.  One  of  his 
bitterest  foes,  who  spares  no  words  to  charge  him  with 
ignorance  and  unfitness,  owns  that  numerous  Christians  in 
England,  living  in  his  former  place  of  abode,  highly  hon- 
ored him  for  his  unblamable  life  and  still  prayed  to  God 
for  his  return  to  the  church. 

Another  testimony  from  a  former  friend  of  his  is  this  : 
"As  to  his  (Ainsworth)  life,  I  have  myself  seen,  when 
living  with  him  some  time  at  Amsterdam,  how  very  modest 
and  amiable  he  was  ;  he  lived  and  died  unblamable,  and  I 
am  thoroughly  persuaded  that  his  soul  rests  with  his 
Saviour." 
•  It  is  not  surprising  that  a  man  of  such  a  character  did 
not  scruple  to  attend,  twice  or  three  times,  before  his 
departure  to  Holland,  the  divine  service  in  the  Church  of 
England,  to  hear  some  celebrated  and  pious  men  preach. 
This  was,  however,  highl3'  disapproved  of  by  his  most  rigid 
fellow-believers.  In  1618,  John  Paget  reproaches  him  with  : 
"being  separated,  you  did  againe  in  London,  being  in  the 
hands  of  authoritie,  yield  to  joyne  with  the  worship  and 
ministry  of  the  Church  of  England." 

Nor  is  it  surprising  that  a  man  of  his  modesty  should 
conceal  his  wants  from  his  fellow-refugees.  He  had  to  go 
through  great  hardships  in  the  beginning  of  his  settlement 
at  Amsterdam.  With  no  knoweldge  of  the  Dutch  language, 
and  not  bred  to  a  trade,  he  had  not  the  wherewithal  to  live. 
He  was,  accordingly,  glad  to  become  a  porter  to  a  book- 
seller at  nine  pence  a  week.     He  could  now  regale  himself 


24  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

with  a  plain  hodge-podge.*  At  last  members  of  his  church 
found  out  what  cares  he  had.  From  that  moment  better 
days  came.  The  bookseller,  too,  before  long,  valued  and 
higher  appreciated  his  extraordinary  abilities. 

Yet  Ainsworth  was  not  the  only  one  among  these  Eng- 
lish exiles,  who  was  in  distress  for  money  and  the  necessa- 
ries of  life.  Their  property  in  England  had  been  distrained 
or  reduced  to  what  was  next  to  nothing  by  their  repeated 
imprisonments  and  persecutions.  The  ministers  of  the 
church  wrote  in  1599,  to  Francis  Junius:  "  misereat  te 
oramus  ecclesiae  nostrae  hie  exulantis,  probris  ubique 
affectae,  profunda  mopia  fere  exesae,  pene  ab  omnibus 
spretae  et  afflictae." 

Twenty,  and  still  more  years  after,  some  had  to  apply  for 
relief.  It  seems  that  these  charities  were  distributed  in  the 
[English]  Presbyterian  Church  on  the  Begynhof.**  On  ac- 

*  Dutch  hutspot — usually  a  stew  of  left  overs  from  previous  meals, 
most  often  of  meat  and  vegetables,  but  usually  of  such  ingredients 
unknown,  it  may  be,  to  the  eater  i,like  a  Cornwall  pie)  that  the  Dutch 
have  proverbs  relating  to  its  miscellaneous  composition. — Ed. 

**Where  in  1909, a  Tablet  was  placed, and  in  1920  a  memorial  window 
was  unveiled  in  honor  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers.  The  text  of  the  tablet 
reads : 


ONE   IN   CHRIST 

1609— FROM . SCROOBY . TO . AMSTERDAM— 1 909 

AINSWORTH  .  JOHNSON  .  ROBINSON  .  BREWSTER  .  BRADFORD 

BY  .  A  .  JOINT  .  CONSENT  .  THEY  .  RESOLVED     TO 

GO  .  INTO  .  THE  .  LOW  .  COUNTRIES 

WHERE  .  THEY  .  HEARD  .  WAS  .  FREEDOM  .  OF  .  RELIGION      FOR      ALL      MEN 

AND    LIVED   AT  AMSTERDAM 

GOVERNOR     WILLIAM  .  BRADFORD  : 

HISTORY     OF     PLYMOUTH  .  PLANTATION 

IN  .  GRATEFUL  .  REMEMBRANCE  .  AND  .  IN      CHRISTIAN      BROTHERHOOD 

THE  .  CHICAGO  .  CONGREGATIONAL  .  CLUB 

REAR  .  THIS  .  MEMORIAL 

A.D.     1909 


The  Exiled  Brownists  in  the  Dutch  Republic   25 

count  of  which  John  Paget  in  his  "  An  arrow  against  the 
separation  of  the  Brownists,  1618,"  with  which  he  re- 
proaches— "the  members  of  your  church  receive  the  alms 
of  the  Dutch,  which  is  a  sacrifice  (Philippines  IV,  18)  and 
this  is  the  same  place  which  you  condemn  as  an  idol- 
temple." 

Fletcher,  consequently,  misstates  that — "  the  civil  author- 
ities tolerated  them  (viz.  the  Brownists)  but  shewed  no 
regard  to  their  welfare." 

The  Englishmen,  who,  according  to  Pontanus  (Rerum  et 
urbis  Amstelodaniensium  Historia,  161 1,  page  95)  were 
granted  out-relief,  were,  no  doubt,  Brownists. 

It  would  indeed,  have  gone  hard,  especially  for  the  aged, 
to  procure  the  means  of  their  subsistence.  Employers  and 
manufacturers  alike  were  reluctant  to  employ  these  for- 
eigners ignorant  of  the  Holland  language.  The  younger 
ones  became,  for  the  greater  part  bombazine  weavers, 
tailors,  glovers  or  button  makers — the  very  professions 
which  were  advancing  the  fortunes  of  the  Dutch  and  Flem- 
ish fugitives  residing  at  London,  Norwich  and  elsewhere. 
At  the  comparatively  new  invention  of  buttons  (buds)  these 
Walloons  in  the  eastern  counties  of  England  were  making 
money. 

The  place  of  worship  for  the  Brownists  in  Amsterdam 
was  very  humble,  being  merely  a  spacious  shed,  somewhere 
in  a  slum,  or  alley,  or  blind  lane.  As  their  opposer.  Bishop 
J.  Hall  says  it  was  most  likely  near  the  Inner-Amstel, 
the  neighborhood  in  which  most  of  them  were  living. 
Meetings  for  this  purpose  were  at  first  kept  up  at  private 
houses  ;  at  Israel  Janszoon's  or  Jean  de  I'Escluse's. 

In  the  aforesaid  protocol  of  the  Reformed  Consistory  at 
Amsterdam  (11  folio  197)  we  read  that  they  had  learnt, 
June  13,  that  at  the  house  of  Jean  de  I'Escluse,  the  gospel 
had  been  preached  to  the  Brownists.  This  was  again  im- 
mediatelj'  brought   to   the  notice   of  the    burgomasters  of 


26  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

Amsterdam.  These  dismissed  the  plaintiffs  with  the  repl}^ 
that  "  it  will  be  communicated  to  those  who  have  to  decide 
in  the  matter  and  that  it  will  be  settled  to  the  entire  satis- 
faction of  the  Church."  In  a  word,  they  intimated  that  it 
was  not  a  part  of  the  Reformed  Consistory,  [to  interfere  or 
move  in  the  matter,  but  of  others — the  magistrates  who 
w^ere  determined  to  follow  in  spirit  and  act  on  the  mandate 
given  to  the  rulers  of  Middelburg,  which  in  substance 
was]  "  no  interference  with  conscience." 

Henceforth  in  1577  the  Brownists  were  no  more  hindered 
in  their  religious  meetings.  It  was  not,  however,  until  very 
much  later,  that  the  Brownists  had  a  place  of  worship  on  the 
Groeneburgwal,*  as  Wagenaar  in  his  history  of  Amsterdam, 
Vol.  II  page  174,  tells  us.*-=^ 


*Dexter  seems  puzzled  by  this  statement.  See  "Congregationalism" 
page  284,  note  129. 

**  A  letter  dated  March  14,  191 2,  from  the  archivist  at  Middelburg, 
and  Secretary  of  the  Zeeuwisch  Genoostetchap  der  Wetenschappen 
(Zealand  Society  of  Sciences)  of  which  the  editor  is  an  honorary 
member,  gives  the  orginal  text  of  the  full  declarations  of  liberty  of 
conscience  from  the  heart  and  pen  of  William  the  Silent  of  January 
28  and  August  i,  1578,  This  was  nearly  a  generation  before  Roger 
Williams  was  Vjorn.  On  January  i,  1557,  the  Prince  being  at  Middel- 
burg had  given  commandment  to  admit  the  Anabaptists  to  citizenship 
and  privileges  on  their  word  (instead  of  their  oaths).  Later  come  the 
proverb  "  as  true  as  the  word  of  a  Mennonite.  The  editor  in  1895  vis- 
ited the  site  of  Menno  Simons'  first  church  edifice  in  Friesland. — Ed. 


CHAPTER  IV 

The  Amsterdam  Brownists  Decline  to  Join  the 
Reformed 

AlyTHOUGH  its  external  circumstances  may  have  been 
extremel)'  humble,  yet  the  congregation,  presided 
over  by  such  a  man  as  Ainsworth,  was  not  in  danger  of 
being  absorbed  or  broken  up. 

The  Dutch  Reformed,  as  well  as  the  Walloon  ministers 
of  Amsterdam,  especially  Arminius  and  Taffinus,  tried  to 
come  to  an  agreement  with  the  Brownists.  They  were  not 
even  disinclined  to  admit  these  into  their  church  congrega- 
tions, although  in   the  main,  they  held   the  same  doctrines. 

The  English  exiles,  however,  probably  still  suspicious  of 
the  Amsterdam  ministers,  after  the  hindrance  in  their 
religious  worship  and  after  the  information  given  against 
them  addressed  to  the  magistrate,  adherred  tenaciously  to 
the  abolition  of  all  set  forms  of  prayers  ;  to  their  own  mode 
of  baptism,  and  especially  to  their  practice  of  church  disci- 
pline. 

Accordingly,  the  negotiations  were  broken  off.  Four  or 
five  years  after  in  February,  1599,  the  Brownists  still  said 
of  this  discourse  :  "  cum  ministris  harum  ecclasiarum  (viris 
quidem  eruditis  et  fratribus  dilectis)  am/ce  eghnus,"  while 
the  Reformed  themselves  declared  :  "  Dolenter  quidem 
tulimus  istam  illorum  a  nostris  ecclesiis  sejunctionem,  quod 
et  illis  coram  cum  fraterna  doloris  testificatione  significa- 
vimus." 

At  that  period  then,  no  hope  was  left  of  coming  "  favente 
Deo  piisque  viris  adjuvantibus "  to  an  agreement.  The 
relations  became  more  and  more  strained. 

In  the  autumn  of  1594  a  member  of  the  Walloon-Reformed 
Church,  the  aforesaid  Jean  de  I'Escluse  native  of  Rouen, 
printer  by  profession,  sought   to  join   Ainsworth  and   his 


28  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

companions.  He  was  married  to  Catherine  de  I'Epine, 
widow  of  Anger,  who  by  her  first  marriage  had  a  daughter, 
Catherine. 

This  Catherine,  when  joined  in  wedlock,  in  1595,  had  not 
celebrated  her  marriage  in  the  Reformed  Church.  On  that 
occasion  her  Brownist  views  came  out  clearly.  Her  step- 
father's identical  feelings  had  already  been  discussed  at  the 
meeting  of  the  Walloon  consistory,  October  10,  1594.  In 
the  Actes  du  consistoire,  February  12,  1596,  we  read  :  Apres 
que  les  deputer  ministers  et  anciens  des  deux  eglises,  Flam- 
engue  et  Wallone,  out  eu  confere  par  plusiers  jours  avec 
Jan  de  I'Escluse  et  sa  belle  fille  de  tons  les  poinets  et  opin- 
ions qu'ils  tiennent,  contraires  a  la  doctrine  chrestienne 
enseignee  es  eglises  reformees,  et  quils  ont  eu  suffissament 
reffute  les  dites  opinions  par  lescriture  saincte,  et  par  argu- 
ments et  raisons  tirees  dicelle,  iceux  demeurants  fermes  en 
leurs  erreurs,  ont  este  admonestez  de  bien  penser  aux  choses 
qui  leur  avoyent  este  alleguees  et  de  prier  Dieu  quil  leur 
fist  la  grace  de  bien  entendre  sa  verite,  et  d'y  acquiesser 
ensemble,  d'  adverter  messieurs  les  commissaires  des  causes 
matrimonielles  du  marrage  de  ladite  fille  qui  avoit  este  faict 
domestiquement  entee  les  amis,  contre  les  loys  et  ordonn- 
ances  des  Estats  et  de  la  ville  :  afin  dy  remedier  selon  ladvis 
et  ordonnance  desdits  commissaires,  ceque  Jan  de  lycscluse 
avoit  promisde  faire,  requerrant  la  compagnie  de  rien  parler 
poinct  audits  commissaires  devant  eux.  Ledit  Jan  de  Les- 
cluse  et  sa  belle  fille  aiants  este  depuis  appelez  par  trois 
diverses  fois  au  consistoire,  est  finallement  comparu  seul  le 
12  de  ferirer  1596  et  luy  ont  este  leus  tons  les  articles  des- 
quels  on  avoit  duparavant  traicte  avec  luy  :  afin  qu'il 
declara  sans  autres  disputes  en  quoy  il  discordoit  d'avec 
nous.  Lesquels  articles  furent  notez  eu  sa  presence  et  luy 
fut  demande  sil  avait  adverti  les  commissaires  du  mariage 
de  sa  fille.  II  respondit  que  non,  mais  quil  estoit  prest  de 
le  faire.     II  lui  fut  demande,  si  nonobstant  le  .sentiment  qu, 


Brownists  Decunp:  to  Join  the  Reformed       29 

il  se  disoit  avoir  contre  la  forme  de  prieres,  du  catechisme 
et  de  la  discipline  en  usage  a  nostre  Eglise  il  vouloit  estre 
recognu  pour  niembre  d'icelle,  ou  s'il  vouloit  se  joindre  du 
tout  avec  1' Eglise  des  Anglois  de  Nerdeu,  il  respondit  que 
sa  conscience  ne  luy  permettroit  point,  de  demeurer  en 
nostre  Eglise,  comme  membre  dicelle,  aussi  longuemeut  que 
nous  continurious  de  prescher  en  un  temple  qui  a  este  con- 
sacre  aux  idoles,  et  que  nous  retiendrious  1' usage  de  prier 
par  formulaireo  leus  ou  recitez  et  denseigner  le  catechisme, 
ven  qu'il  nous  en  avoit  suffiissament  adverti  maintenant." 
In  addition  it  was  again  matter  for  deliberation  at  the 
meetings  of  the  said  Consistory,  February  13,  April  3  and 
17,  August  28,  September  18,  October  16  and  23,  1595,  and 
further  January  15  and  22,  February  5  and  26,  March  11, 
May  6,  June  8,  1596,  April  19  and  26,  May  10,  1599,  and 
November  19,  December  3,  1607. 

Indeed,  the  Walloon  Consistory  was  most  anxious  to  keep 
this  man  a  member  of  their  church  and  apparently  in 
April.  1595  and  in  1599,  there  was  every  probability  of  this 
being  done. 

On  August  7,  1604,  however,  I'Ecluse  married  a  Brownist 
wife.  Then  it  was  agreed  that  "Si  Jean  de  TEscluse  est 
dispose  et  desireus  de  communiquer  a  la  cene  lancien  luy 
pourra  donner  mereau,  comme  aussi  a  sa  femme."  On 
December  3,  1607,  it  was,  however,  shown  "que  Jean  de 
I'Escluse  ne  s'est  trouve  dispos  pour  recevoir  mereau. 

The  Dutch  Reformed  consistory  also  iuterferred  in  the 
matter,  June  6  and  13,  1596.     See  Protocol  II  folio  197. 

As  I'Escluse  had  formerly  been  a  member  of  the  Walloon 
church  in  London,  the  Amsterdam  ministers  wrote  to  that 
city  for  information  regarding  him.  At  the  same  time  they 
sent  inquiries  at  Flushing  concerning  the  Brownists.  (See 
actes  du  consistoire,  October  24,  1594). 

As  before,  they  applied  to  the  Brownists'  most  bitter 
foes,  who  did  not  relish  it  that  these  poor  Christians  having 


30  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

found  a  "locus  quietis  et  respirationis  a  magistratibus  "  in 
Holland.  The  replies  were  very  unfavourable.  (Epistolae 
eccl.  pages  69'^  and  74^  )  for  the  exiles.  They  are  called 
"  chartulae  famosae,  articuli  mendaciis  referti."  To  this 
Ainsvvorth  plaintively  replied  :  "  inio  et  aliqui  (quos  min- 
iuie  omnium  decuit)  affiictionum  nostratrum  pondus  etiam 
in  his  regionibus  aggravare  tentarunt  idque  turn  secreto 
tum  aperte  moliti  sunt  ;  calumniis  et  quidem  gravissimis  a 
nostratibus  domi  lacessiti  fuimus  sarumque  rumor  in  has 
etiam  regiones  uos  insectatus  est,  unde  apud  multos  immer- 
ito  male  audimus.  "(Epistol.  eccl.  et  theol.  Pages  65^ 
and  69^  ). 

These  severe  accusations  against  the  Brownists,  the  Dutch 
Reformed  Consistory  kept  not  for  themselves,  but  commun- 
icated them  also  to  the  Walloons  at  Amsterdam.  (Actes 
du  consistoire  January  22,  1596),  and  even  to  their  fellow 
believers  at  Dordrecht.  When  the  Consistory  reminded  the 
English  exiles  that  they  should  be  thankful  for  the  magis- 
trate's protection,  this  action  called  forth  the  true,  but  tart 
answer:  "Quid?  Si  articulos  plenos  mendaciis  et  calumiis, 
sparsos  vero  contra  nos,  acceperint  ministri  isti,  et  nobis 
tamen  eorum  exemplar  in  hunc  usque  diem  non  impartiver- 
int,  ne  rogati  quidem?"  (Epist.  eccl.  et  theol.  pages  69^^ 
and  74^ . ) 

The  Reformed  ministers  did  not  deny  it,  but  tried  to  jus- 
tify their  conduct  by  pointing  out  that  Ainsworth  and 
others  had  first  attacked  them,  in  the  preface  of  the  Con- 
fession of  faith  and  next  refused  to  let  them,  on  application, 
read  these  articles. 

Surely,  all  this  was  not  exactly  the  right  way  to  promote 
concord. 

In  fact,  the  Brownists  had  much  more  sympathy  with 
the  Mennonites,  than  with  the  Reformed.  They  found  they 
were  one  in  sentiment.  The  views  of  both  on  the  origin 
and  organization  of  the  Christian  Church  ;  its  absolute  au- 
tomony  ;   its  order  and  government  ;  the  general  suffrage  of 


Brownists  Decline  to  Join  the  Reformed        31 

its  members,  but  above  all,  its  discipline  were  in  substance 
identical.  They  had  the  same  almost  idolatrous  exaltation 
of  scriptures,  the  same  aversion  to  symbolical  books,  the 
same  institution  of  unpaid  teachers  and  pastors,  the  same 
tendency  to  distinguish  themselves  from  other  children  of 
the  world  by  simplicitj^  of  dress  and  purity  of  morals.  No 
one  need  wonder  at  this.  It  was  at  Norwich  that  Browne 
was  indoctrinated  with  these  principles. 

Between  the  Menuonites  and  other  Protestant  Christian 
Sects,  there  is  one  essential  point  of  difference.  The  Men- 
nonites  baptize  onlj'  adult  persons,  who  have  made  a  profes- 
sion of  their  own  faith.  This  was  at  first  an  obstacle  which 
prevented  many  a  Brownist  from  joining  them.  But  as 
Ainsworth  and  his  companions  held  the  practice  of  bap- 
tism in  the  Church  of  England  to  be  invalid,  they  could 
still  very  well  claim  baptism  under  stipulation  that  it  should 
not  be  administered  to  them  as  infants  of  believers,  but  on 
their  own  profession  of  faith. 

Indeed,  no  sooner  had  the  impediment  of  the  foreign  lan- 
guage been  removed,  than  several  Brownists  came  over  to 
the  Mennonites.  It  took  place  at  an  early  date  of  their  set- 
tlement, as  is  shown  by  John  Payne's  warnings  against  the 
Mennonnites  (Royall  exchange,,'  Haarlem,  Gillis  Roman, 
1597.  4th,  48  pages  ;  and  by  Francis  Johnson's  "  Inquiry 
and  Answer,  1606,  page  64,  where  he  says  :  "  that  it  came 
to  pass  while  he  was  still  imprisoned  at  London  and  before 
the  schism  in  Ainsworth's  church.''  Undoubtedly,  Enoch 
Clapham  refers  to  it  in  his  "  Error  on  the  right  hand," 
when  saying:  "  Certain  English  people  of  us  (Anabaptists) 
that  came  out  from  the  Brownists." 

Clapham's  book  was  published  before  June  1608,  or 
several  months  before  John  Smyth  joined  the  Anapaptists, 
so  that  this  statement  cannot  allude  to  him. 

Ainsworth  and  his  adherents  disapproved  of  that  change 
of  religion.  They  excommunicated  the  faithless  and  clung 
to  each  other  more  closely  than  ever. 


CHAPTER  V 

Henry  Ainsworth's  Confession  of  Faith 

AINSWORTH  now  felt  it  a  dut}^  most  solemnly  binding 
upon  him  to  defend  the  congregation  against  the 
aspersions  cast  on  it.  He  would  free  it  of  all  blame  and  by 
means  of  a  confession  of  faith,  plead  and  justify  its  separ- 
ation from  the  Church  of  England  and  legitimate  its  per- 
manent existence. 

Ainsworth  and  no  one  else,  prepared  this  confession 
written  in  the  English  language.  It  was  issused  in  the 
year  1596  and  consisted  of  forty-five  articles,  with  a  preface. 
At  the  same  time,  he  published  a  Dutch  edition.  Not  a 
single  copy  of  this  latter,  I  think,  is  left,  but  that  it  was 
actually  published,  I  infer  from  the  words  of  Taffiuus  and 
Arminius,  (Epistol.  eccl.  et  theol.,  page  80'),  which  must 
allude  to  1596,  when  they  speak  of:  "  calumnia  quam 
adversus  nos  publicis  typisat  Belgico  sermone  disseminarunt 
in  brevi  praefatiuncula,  quam  confessioni  suae  in  eiinidefu 
Belgicum  sermonem  adeo  male,  et  etiam  haeresi  occasionem 
dare  posset,  translatae  praefixerant." 

At  the  time  of  the  publication  of  Ainsworth's  confession 
of  faith,  Francis  Johnson  was  still  in  prison,  so  that  he  can 
not  have  had  a  hand  in  it,  as  is  generally  misstated.  For 
instance,  in  Fletcher,  History  of  Independency,  (II,  page 
215)  we  find  :  "It  appears  that  in  1596  Johnson  had  pub- 
lished the  confession  of  faith  of  certain  English  people  living 
in  the  Loiv  Countries  exiled.  In  1598  this  document  was 
republished  and  afterwards  in  1602  it  was  issued  again  as 
the  joint  production  of  Johnson  and  Ainsworth.  The  latter 
translated  it  into  the  Eatin  for  the  benefit  of  the  learned  in 
all  countries,  and  set  it  forth  i?i  his  0701  name. 

Quite  right  too  !  He  only  was  entitled  to  attach  his 
name  to  it.     It  was  his  own  work  and  that  of  no  one  else. 


Henry  Ainsworth's  Confession  of  Faith        33 

The  reprint  of  1598  led  to  the  misstatement  that  Francis 
Johnson  had  assisted  him.'*^ 

This  inaccuracy  must  perhaps  be  imputed  to  the  fact  that 
a  church  was  not  regarded  to  be  truly  constituted,  when 
still  destitute  of  a  pastor,  and  that  Francis  Johnson  came  to 
them  in  1597.  The  editions  of  this  confession  of  faith  of  a 
later  date,  e.g.,  the  Dutch  one  of  1680,  mention  on  the 
title-page,  that  the  Congregational  old  English  Congregation 
and  Church  of  Christ  at  Amsterdam  was  gathered  in  the 
year  1597.  As  we  have  seen,  it  existed  then  already  four 
years. 

The  first  eighteen  articles  of  Ainsworth's  confession  of 
faith  do  not  differ  from  the  doctrine  of  the  Confessio  Bel- 
gica.**  Subsequently,  there  was  confessed  in  it  the  doctrine 
of  the  trinity,  of  predestination,  of  man's  fall  into  sin,  of 
original  sin,  of  universal  wickedness,  of  the  divine  Word  as 
the  only  standard  of  faith,  of  the  person  of  Christ  and  his 
triple  office  (munus  Christi  triplex),  of  the  Christian 
church. 

Article  nineteen  and  following  treat  at  great  length  of 
the  five  kinds  of  church-officers :  shepherds,  teachers, 
elders,  deacons  and  helps,  no  more  and  no  fewer,  who  must 
be  appointed  for  life  and  exclusively  by  the  church  in 
which  they  fill  their  office  ;  which  church  has  the  exclusive 
right  to  depose  and  even  to  excommunicate  them,  and  to 
which  they  should  give  implicit  obedience. 

Though  there  is  a  lack  of  definiteness  on  this  point  in  the 

*  Dexter  (Congregationalism,  page  270)  is  disposed  to  think  that 
the  confession  of  faith  was  sent,  for  revision  and  correction  to  John- 
son, in  prison  ;  in  which  case  the  honor  of  authorship  would  also 
partly  be  due  to  him  ;  but  the  correspondence  between  London  and 
Amsterdam  (see  Dexter,  page  269,  note  64)  refers,  in  my  opinion, 
more,  if  not  exclusively,  to  the  choice  of  elders  and  to  excommunica- 
tion. 

t  The  Belgic  confession  is  probably  the  oldest  of  the  Reformed  or 
Protestant  confessions  brought  to  and  studied  in  North  America— by 
the  Walloons  in  1623.— .Ed 


34  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

confession,  yet  it  is  known  from  other  sources,  that  the 
Brownists  objected  to  any  temporary  appointment  to  such 
offices. 

Article  twenty-eight  shows  that  the  Anti-Christian  has 
corrupted  and  hindered  the  fundamental  articles  of  the 
Christian  faith,  together  with  the  holy  ordinances  and  ser- 
vices of  the  Church,  placing  in  their  stead,  a  new  and 
adorned  religion  and  "  regiment  ",  so  that  they  at  last  be- 
came so  confused  and  perplexed  that  they  have  fallen  into 
the  Babylonian  confusion  and  bondage.  The  hierarchy 
resulting  from  it  in  the  Church  of  England  is  in  fact  an 
"  anti-christian  ministerium,"  as  well  for  the  numerous 
dignities,  as  for  the  power  assumed  by  the  so-called  high 
clergy. 

Further  are  enumerated  the  "  rest  of  the  popish  corrup- 
tions "  :  private  baptism,  examination  of  infants  who  are 
brought  to  be  baptised,  linen  surplice  of  the  priests,  prayer 
for  the  death  at  the  grave,  and  kneeling  at  the  sacrament 
of  the  Lord's  Supper  (article  thirty).  These  abuses  bind 
the  true  believer  to  renounce  all  communion  with  the  cor- 
rupted church,  to  assist  it  in  no  respect  whatever,  and  to 
separate  from  it. 

New  churches  should  be  founded,  of  which  its  members, 
each  in  particular,  are  desired  to  prophesy,  z.  e.,  expound 
God's  Word,  and  to  choose  men  sufficiently  endowed  with 
gifts  and  learning  for  such  offices  and  functions,  as  Christ 
has  instituted  for  worship  and  discipline.  These  may 
administer  baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper.  Only  the 
children  of  believers  are  to  receive  baptism  at  least  by  one 
of  the  parents  being  in  the  faith. 

In  the  Lord's  Supper,  the  two  elements  are  to  be  made 
use  of  there  being  no  question  either  of  transubtantiation 
or  consubstantiation — this  is  the  seal  of  God's  everlasting 
covenant  and  belongs  to  all  adult  members,  viz.,  to  those 
who  have  been  admitted  into  the  church  on  confession  of 


Henry  Ainsworth's  Confession  of  Faith       35 

faith  and  at  their  own  desire,  and  who  have  promised  to 
walk  in  the  belief  and  obedience  of  Christ  (Art.  35  and  37). 

No  member  may  withdraw  on  account  of  corruptions  of 
the  church,  but  should  help  to  reform  them  (Art.  36). 

The  various  churches  are  wholly  independent  of  each 
other,  each  one  as  a  "well-ordered  city,"  but  bound,  if 
need  be,  to  assist  one  another  in  word  and  deed.  They 
have  the  right  to  admit,  on  satisfactory  testimonials,  mem- 
bers of  some  other  church  (Art.  37  and  38). 

Articles  39  and  43  enumerate  the  reciprocal  duties  of 
magistrates  and  subjects.  Magistrates  are  to  protect  the 
true  believers,  to  enforce  by  their  laws  the  pure  religion 
and  its  strict  exercise,  to  punish  offenders,  and  to  extirpate 
the  false-worship,  especially  by  sequestration  of  all  ecclesi- 
astical properties. 

(Afterwards  most  of  them  altered  this  opinion  and  advo- 
cated ardently  the  complete  separation  of  Church  and  State 
and  a  full  religious  toleration.) 

Citizens  and  subjects,  even  when  the  magistrates  fail  in 
their  duties,  or  persecute  them,  are  bound,  so  long  as  it  is 
not  contrary  to  the  commandments  of  God,  to  respect  and 
pray  for  their  rulers  and  above  all,  in  case  the  magistrates 
protect  and  patronize  them,  to  acknowledge  it  gratefully 
and  to  obey  them  implicitly. 

The  last  article  but  one.  Art.  44.,  professes  the  belief  in 
passing  from  death  into  a  life  eternal  or  into  damnation. 

Finally,  the  last  Article,  45,  refutes  the  slanderous  accu- 
sation made  against  them  of  denying  and  despising  the 
Lord's  prayer. 

"  We  believe  it  to  be  the  most  perfect  and  best  form  of 
prayer,  which  even  could  not  be  improved  by  angels,  so 
much  the  less  by  men,  and  was  prescribed  by  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  not  " — showing  again  their  aversion  to  use  it 
as  a  set  form,  for  example,  at  the  end  of  every  prayer — "  not 
that  we  are  tied   to  the  exact  number  of  words,   but   that. 


36  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

according  to  its  form  and  spirit,  we  should  be  taught  to 
regulate  our  prayers  and  thanksgivings,  as  being  the  most 
perfect  form  of  praying." 

These  are  the  main  points  of  the  Confession  of  Faith 
drawn  up  by  Ainsworth,  in  defense  of  his  company.  Yet 
to  exhibit  a  true  image  of  that  company,  to  secure  a  greater 
exactness  concerning  the  structure  of  their  Church,  to 
trace  the  consequences  of  their  characteristic  opinions,  still 
other  stores  of  informations  must  be  explored. 


CHAPTER  VI 

Principles  and  Practices  of  the  Brownists 

T)ESIDES  from  their  own  treatises  most  of  the  following 
■*~^  information  respecting  Brownists  has  been  derived 
from  the  writing  of  Honorii  Reggii,  alias  Georgii  Hornii, 
professor  first  at  Harderwijk  and  afterwards  at  Leyden. 
These  are  "  De  Statu  ecclesiac  Britannicae  hodierno  liber 
commentarius,"  1647,  and  from  the  "  Historie  der  Beroerten 
van  Engelandt  "  (History  of  the  troubles  of  England.) 
The  2nd  edition,  of  1649,  was  published  anonymously  and 
written  by  Jacobus  Eydius,  once  pastor  of  the  embassy  ex- 
traordinary from  the  Republic  of  the  United  Netherlands 
to  England. 

In  conformity  with  the  Brownists'  views  on  the  organi- 
zation of  the  church,  the  right  of  voting  in  the  choice  of  a 
pastor,  and  that  of  excommunication,  belonged  to  all  mem- 
bers. Some  congregations  included  also  the  sisters.  This 
latter  opinion  or  custom,  however,  was  never  universal 
among  them.  Aiusworth  in  his  "Animadversion  to  Clif- 
ton's advertisement,"  161 3,  says  :  "  it  was  never  our  judg- 
ment or  practice,  that  in  elections  women  or  children  should 
give  their  voices,  the  apostle  and  nature  itself  requiring 
women  to  be  silent  in  the  church  "  (i  Cor.  XIV  34). 

No  Synod,  no  classes,  nor  any  ecclesiastical  establish- 
ment whatever  ;  we  hear  the  Brownists  repeatedly  say,  has 
power  over  them.  The  Lord  Jesus  Christ  alone  is  the 
Head.  Each  district  church  is  automonous.  It  stands  in- 
dependently, irresponsible  to  all  external  authority. 

In  the  petition  presented  to  King  James  the  First  in 
1606,  they  pleaded  the  right  of  spiritual  administration  and 
government  in  itself  and  over  itself,  by  the  common  and 
free  consent  of  the  people,  independently  and  immediately 
under  Christ.     More  than  this,  John  Robinson  in  his  "Jus- 


38  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

tification  of  Separation,"  1610,  when  speaking  of  the  seat 
of  authority,  says  : — "  the  Papists  plant  it  in  the  pope,  the 
protestants  in  the  bishops,  the  Puritans,  as  you  term  the 
Reformed  Churches  and  those  of  their  mind,  in  the  Presby- 
tery ;  we,  whom  you  name:  "  Brownists "  put  it  in  the 
bod)^  of  the  congregation,  the  multitude  called  :  "  the 
church." 

It  is  the  most  solemnly  binding  .duty  of  all  brotherhood 
to  institute  a  strict  and  unpartial  discipline,  if  need  be,  ex- 
communication for  all  the  unworthy,  viz.,  not  only  for  those 
who  are  guilty  of  gross  sins,  but  also  for  those  whose  mode 
of  living  or  dress  is  wanting  in  the  most  rigid  simplicity — 
so  betraying  a  worldly  temper. 

Should  the  congregation  omit  this  discipline,  it  is  itself 
guilty  of  the  sin  of  the  unpunished  delinquent,  it  loses  its 
Christian  character,  and  binds  the  most  faithful  among  its 
members  to  separate.  To  avoid  this  omission,  each  partic- 
ular congregation  ought  not  to  be  of  a  greater  number  than 
may  ordinarily  meet  together  conveniently  in  one  place, 
under  the  audience  of  one  and  the  same  preacher. 

In  the  case  of  huge  and  vast  flocks  the  governors  cannot 
take  knowledge  of  the  manners  of  the  people,  private  or 
public  ;  no,  not  so  much  as  of  their  presence  at  or  absence 
from  the  church  assembles,  whereby  what  damage  comes  to 
true  piety,  any  man  may  easily  conjecture  ;  and  miserable 
experience  makes  also  too  manifest  in  the  Reformed 
churches.  Should,  therefore,  the  number  of  members  ex- 
ceed a  few  hundred,  it  will  be  desirable  to  split  it  up  into 
two  or  more  congregations.  Still  the  more  so,  as  when 
two  or  three  faithful  people  do  arise,  separating  themselves 
from  the  world  into  the  fellowship  of  the  Gospel,  they  al- 
ready are  a  church  truly  gathered,  though  never  so  weak. 
No  consent  of  any  civil  government  is  thereby  needed. 
Otherwise  it  would  be  bringing  in  Christ  by  the  arm  of 
flesh. 


Principles  and  Practices  of  the  Brownists      39 

The  public  worship  did  not  require  any  particular  insti- 
tution impeding  the  establishment  of  a  new  Church.  For 
the  support  of  a  minister  or  elder,  there  should  not  be  a 
fixed  stipend,  nay,  it  was  not  even  allowed.  They  were  to 
be  maintained  by  voluntary  contributions  of  the  members. 
The  teachers  had  to  provide  for  themselves. 

A  plain,  single  room,  even  a  barn,  was  deemed  suflficient 
for  their  gatherings.  In  fact,  they  felt  great  horror  about 
meeting  in  one  of  the  former  churches  of  the  Roman  Catho- 
lics.    These  were  but  temples  of  antichrist. 

Because  of  their  love  of  perfect  equality,  they  prohibited 
their  clergymen  to  wear  an  official  dress,  nor  could  they 
bear  with  a  pulpit,  which  they  called  a  privileged  tub. 

The  custom,  with  the  Reformed,  to  preach  by  the  hour- 
glass, which,  being  run  out,  the  sermon  must  also  be  at  an 
end,  they  regarded  as  binding  in  the  spirit.  Indeed,  they 
maintained  the  liberty  to  lengthen  the  divine  service  in 
every  respect.  After  the  rather  long  sermon,  the  Lord's 
supper  was  celebrated  every  Sunday.  Long  winded  extem- 
pore praying  was  substituted  for  set  forms  of  prayer.  The 
practice  was  never  to  read  the  Bible  without  expounding  it, 
as  being  otherwise  idle  work.  Their  agreement  was  to 
chant  the  Psalms,  only  according  to  the  Bible  translation  * 
i.e.,  not  versified  unchanged  and  unabridged.  These  forms 
and  methods  took  up  much  time. 

Moreover,  at  the  end  of  what  we  should  call  the  ordinary 
religious  service  two,  three  or  four  members  might,  at  their 
request,  speak  and,  in  turn,  pronounce  a  free  discourse,  or 
as  it  was  called  "prophesy."  Discourses  and  sermon  alike 
were  next  discussed  by  any  one  wishing  to  do  so. 

In  conclusion,  they  brought  in  the  laborious  and  long 
work  of  their  discipline,    for  which  the  whole  flock   must 

*  Ainsworth  afterwards  changed  his  mind  on  this  point  and  gave  a 
metrical  translation  for  the  use  in  church,  [which  came  into  use  by 
the  Pilgrim  Fathers  in  Leyden  and  Plymouth.  This  is  referred  to  by 
Longfellow  in  his  Courtship  of  Miles  Standish  and  has  been  in  part 
republished  by  Professor  Waldo  Pratt  of  Hartford.  Conn.] — Ed. 


40  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

stay,  till  they  had  heard  debated  and  discussed  every  cause 
that  concerned  either  the  officers  or  any  of  the  people, 
either  in  doctrine  or  manners.  No  wonder,  that  this  be- 
came the  occasion  of  endless  debate  and  of  many  conten- 
tions ! 

As  to  the  duration  of  the  whole  service,  we  read  in  a 
letter  of  Hugh  and  Anne  Bromhead,  published  by  Hunter 
in  his  "  Collections  concerning  the  founders  of  New  Ply- 
mouth," page  179: — "this  morning  exercise  begins  at 
eight  of  the  clock  and  continueth  unto  twelve  of  the  clock. 
The  like  course  and  exercise  is  observed  in  the  afternoon 
from  two  of  the  clock  unto  five  or  six  of  the  clock." 

Their  exaltation  of  the  Bible,  including  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, led  them  to  require,  agreeably  to  the  Mosaic  law, 
capital  punishment  for  adultery,  blasphemy,  sabbath-break- 
ing and  idolatry  ;  but  they  held  it  unlawful  to  inflict  that 
punishment  in  the  case  of  simple  theft.  A  few  among  them 
afterwards,  almost  three  centuries  in  advance  of  their  age, 
got  to  understand  that  capital  punishment  was  not  at  all 
justifiable.* 

The  Sabbath  or  Sunday,  they  observed  with  the  utmost 
rigor.  In  direct  opposition,  they  rejected  any  observance 
of  Christmas,  Easter,  Whitsuntide,  or  Ascension-day,  on 
the  ground  that  celebrations  of  these  are  enjoined  on  no 
higher  authority  than  that  of  men. 

Upon  this  point,  they  accordingly  conformed  to  the  Dor- 
drecht Provincial  Synod  of  1574.  This  Synod,  too, 
desired  that  Sunday  alone  should  be  set  apart,  and  that  all 
other  holy-days  should  be  abolished.  And  yet  within 
twenty  years,  the  Reformed  Church  yielded  to  the  force  of 
custom  and  never  rejected  festivals  or  holy-days. 

Some  of  the  Separatists  so  exaggerated  their  appreciaUon 
of  the  Scriptures  as  to  consider  the  Bible  as  the  only  book 

*  Capital  punishment  was  abolished  in  the  Netherlands  two  genera- 
tions ago — followed  by  improvement  in  public  morals. — Ed. 


Principles  and  Practices  of  the  Brownists      41 

requisite  for  the  study  of  theology.  Nevertheless  the  writ- 
ings of  the  Brownists  show  conclusively  that  most  of  them 
had  also  profited  greatly  by  perusing  the  works  of  secular 
authors.  No  other  book,  they  said,  can  approach  the  Bible, 
nor  may  claim  similar  authority.  Hence  they  repudiated 
not  only  the  use  of  the  catechism  but  even  held  that  the 
twelve  Articles  of  Religion  (the  Apostles'  creed)  to  be  an 
old  patchwork  of  a  bad  stuff,  of  which  particularly  the 
article  of  the  going  down  of  Christ  into  Hell  was  blas- 
phemous. 

To  their  horror  of  all  heathen  remnants,  is  attributable 
their  replacing  the  names  of  days  and  months  by  numerical 
terms,  as  :  the  first  month,  the  second  day,  etc. 

Their  anti-hierarchal  spirit  led  them  to  reject  all  academ- 
ical degrees  and  titles  ;  while  their  opposition  to  the  Romish 
church-customs  exhibited  itself  in  their  aversion  to  bell- 
tolling  :  a  human  and  popish  innovation  of  pope  Sabinianus; 
to  the  precept — though  never  practised  at  Amsterdam — 
to  wear  the  hat  when  partaking  at  the  Lord's  Supper  ;  and 
perhaps  too,  in  their  opinion,  on  marriage  and  funerals. 
Concerning  the  last  two  points  other  reasons  are  given. 

Marriage,  they  maintained  is  simply  a  civil  affair,  within 
the  prerogative  of  the  magistrate.  Before  the  whole  con- 
gregation, God's  blessing  may  and  should  be  implored  on 
the  couple,  but  the  marriage  was  not  to  be  solemnized  nor 
confirmed  in  the  Church.  However,  in  the  eighth  article 
of  Francis  Johnson,  against  the  Reformed  Church  we 
read  : — "  Is  it  not  better  to  be  married  in  the  congregation 
with  prayers  and  God's  blessing  pronounced  upon  them  by 
the  minister,  than  to  be  contracted  privately  and  entered 
unto  a  booke,  as  men  do  horses  in  Smithfield?" 

Finally,  neither  churches  nor  churchyards,  that  is  the 
grounds  adjoining  the  church,  were  to  be  used  for  burying 
the  dead.  Corpses  should  be  interred  outside  in  the  open 
fields,  lest  there  might  be  injury  to  the  public  health. 


42  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

So  far  the  statement  of  their  principles  and  practices  to 
the  world  outside  !  Inside,  in  the  meantime  a  deplorable 
schism  endangered  the  small  congregation.  This  took  place 
about  1596,  or  somewhat  earlier.  According  to  Francis 
Johnson  it  happened  during  his  imprisonment  in  London, 
consequently  before  April,  1597,  and  after  several  of  the 
Separatists  had  joined  the  Mennonites.  It  may,  therefore, 
already  have  been  in  1595.  Page  64  of  his  "  Inquiry  and 
Answer"  states  : — "  Then  a  while  after  that  again,  many 
others,  some  older,  some  younger,  even  too  many,  though 
not  the  half,  as  I  understood,  fell  into  a  schism  from  the 
rest,  and  so  many  of  them  as  continued  therein  were  cast 
out,  divers  others  of  them  repenting  and  returning  before 
excommunication  and  divers  of  them  after." 

The  real  causes  of  this  division  and  what  the  dispute 
turned  upon  are  not  apparent,  but  may  easily  be  guessed. 
Now  again,  as  is  generally  the  case,  the  sad  consequences 
of  incessant  persecution  for  religious  principles  operated 
even  on  those  sufferers  who  finally  escaped  from  it.  The 
relative  quiet  of  their  asylum  did  not  satisfy  them.  They 
were  still  always  in  a  morbid  state  of  excitement,  brought 
by  former  anxieties  and  sufferings.  The  nervous  system  in 
a  great  many  instances  was  upset  by  imprisonment  in  filthy 
dungeons.  For  years  accustomed  to  defend  their  convic- 
tion, the  spirit  of  opposition  had  not  yet  spent  itself. 

For  want  of  external  opposition  in  such  cases  internal 
discord  arises.  It  seems  as  if  no  good  could  come  of  tran- 
quil internal  piety,  which,  according  to  their  morbid  ideas 
eats  out  the  growth,  if  not  the  life  of  religion.  By  forcing 
various  voluntary  stipulations— the  more  rigid  the  better — 
they  find  another  martyrdom.  Intolerance  stimulates  their 
feverish  zeal. 

Such  was  the  case  with  many  a  member  of  Ainsworth's 
congregation.  It  is,  therefore,  not  strange  that  differences 
arose  between  the  older  and  the  younger  members.     Nearly 


PrinciplEvS  and  Practices  of  the  Brownists      43 

a  moiety  of  them  was  hostile  to  Ainsworth  and  his  faithful 
adherents. 

It  is  owing  to  his  tact  that  peace  was  restored.  He  con- 
ducted discipline  and  by  adopting  that  course  actually 
recalled  several  to  themselves.  On  the  other  hand,  he  won 
a  very  few  by  showing  lenity  to  penitent  persons.  He 
even  facilitated  the  return  of  repentant  offenders,  even 
when  they  had  been  excommunicated. 


CHAPTER   VII 

Francis  Johnson  a  Brownist 

^  I  ^HE  wound  was  healed  and  the  past  sufferings  had  been 
almost  forgotten,  when,  in  the  autumn  of  1597,  the 
revived  and  again  flourishing  congregation  was  surprised  to 
see  some  persons  arrive,  who  had  been  formerly  known  in- 
timately in  England.  Several  of  them,  indeed,  had  been 
members  of  the  congregation  at  Islington,  the  London  su- 
burb, which  had  in  1593  been  scattered  by  persecution. 

As  we  have  already  seen,  John  Greenwood,  who  died  April 
6,  the  death  of  a  martyr,  had  been  the  minister,  Daniel 
Studley  its  elder,  and  Francis  Johnson  the  pastor  or  shep- 
herd of  this  congregation. 

Francis  Johnson,  son  of  John*  Johnson  of  Richmond, 
Yorkshire,  born  1561,  studied  with  his  younger  brother 
George  at  Christ's  College,  Cambridge.  There,  under  in- 
fluence of  Cartwright,  the  Puritan  principles  had  taken  a 
deep  hold  on  his  mind.  On  January  6,  1588,  he  preached 
from  I  Peter  V  1-4,  a  sermon  on  the  eldership.  In  this  he 
spoke  most  strongly  in  defiance  of  the  Queen's  ecclesiastical 
authority. 

At  this  the  whole  University  was  agitated  and  alarmed. 
In  spite  of  the  patronage  of  Chancellor  Lord  Burghley,  he 
was,  on  October  30,  1589,  expelled  from  the  University  ; 
and,  when  appealing  to  this  sentence,  he  was  committed  to 
strict  custody.  Before  giving  up  this  appeal,  the  chancellor 
released  him,  perhaps  under  condition  of  his  leaving  Eng- 
land, for  awhile,  at  least. 

Johnson  repaired  to  Carrwright's  old  congregation,  that 
of  the  English  merchants  at  Middelburg,  and  became  its 

*  Contrary  to  Brook,  Puritans  II,  99,  Fletcher,  Independency,  II, 
210  and  J.  Hunter,  Founders  of  Plymouth,  page  47  ;  Dexter,  Congre- 
gationalism, page  264  calls  the  fatlaer  Jacob. 


Francis  Johnson  a  Brownist  45 

pastor  at  the,  for  that  time,  rather  high  stipend  of  twenty- 
four  hundred  guilders  (^200)  a  year. 

In  his  "  History  of  the  Scottish  Church  at  Rotterdam  " 
W.  Stevens  appears  to  have  been  ignorant  of  this  fact.  The 
list  of  pastors  presents  us,  page  315,  with  the  name  of  Cart- 
wright  and  of  Hugh  Broughton,  but  omits  that  of  Francis 
Johnson,  and  erroneously  enters  Henry  Jacob  among  the 
Brownists.  The  succession  was  :  Cartwright  till  1585, 
Dudley  Fenner,  Francis  Johnson  in  1590  and  1591,  Henry 
Jacob  perhaps  from  1597  or  1598.  The  latter  was  probably 
succeeded  by  Thomas  Pott,  who  in  the  records  of  the  Mid- 
delburg  congregation,  1624,  is  called  "  anciently  pastor  of 
the  merchants  here,"  and  to  whom  perhaps  refers  the 
gravamen  of  the  classis  of  Walcheren,  July  11,  1602: — 
'  'whither  it  were  not  advisable  and  needful  to  the  uniformity 
of  doctrine  that  English  servants,  who  receive  a  call  to  their 
congregations  in  Holland,  should  deliver  a  statement  of 
their  faith  and  life  from  the  place  they  left  to  the  classics 
within  which  their  new  congregation  comes." 

Pott  was  still  pastor  at  Middelburg  January  18,  1607. 
when  the  Amsterdam  Consistory  (see  Protocol  III,  folio 
156)  resolved  to  apply  to  him  for  information  as  to  whether 
he  knew  something  about  the  dismissal  of  Mr.  Paget.  He 
next  became  pastor  to  the  garrison  at  Flushing  and  after- 
wards to  the  Presbyterians  in  Amsterdam.  His  son  mar- 
ried the  daughter  of  the  famous  Dutch  admiral  DeRuyter. 
Thomas  Pott  was  perhaps  succeeded  by  Hugh  Broughton, 
who  returned  to  England  in  161 1,  where  he  died  in  1612. 
According  to  Stevens,  Broughton  was  succeeded  by  John 
Forbes,  who  removed  with  the  "  merchant  adventurres"  to 
Delft  in  1 62 1.  A  couple  of  years  afterwards  the  Presbyte- 
rians formed  their  congregation  at  Middelburg. 

Francis  Johnson's  former  zeal,  which  excited  the  respect 
of  the  congregation,  did  not  slumber.  He  used  great  exer- 
tions to  obtain  full  liberty  of  religious  worship  ;  but  in  vain. 


46  History  of  the  Frke  Churchmen 

The  Consistory's  records  of  the  Reformed  congregation  at 
Middelburg  having,  to  all  appearance,  reference  to  what 
happened  a  couple  of  years  earlier,  report  thereof  as  fol- 
lows :  "at  the  request  of  the  elders  of  the  English  Church 
within  Middelburg,  we,  the  undersigned,  declared  never  to 
have  communicated,  moved  thereto  by  reasons,  with  Fran- 
cisco Johnson,  minister  of  the  English  Church,  so  much  less 
prohibited  him  to  preach.  The  fact  was  this  :  Whereas 
the  elders  of  the  church,  among  other  communications,  in- 
formed the  committee  of  the  Consistory  of  this  place  of  their 
intention,  founded  on  strong  reasons,  to  insist  with  the 
magistrate  on  their  being  allowed  to  preach  publicly,  it  is 
therefore  that  they  were  prayed,  not  commanded,  to  keep 
silent,  hoping  all  will  be  settled  ere  long.  Now  as  mention 
is  made  of  keeping  silent,  the  deputies  thought  they  had  to 
refrain  from  preaching  altogether.  Meanwhile  they  held 
that  also  mention  was  made  of  the  secret  preaching,  with  a 
view  to  extend  the  order  of  March  21,  1592." 

Indeed,  on  that  day  four  members  of  the  Consistory  were 
sent  to  confer  with  the  English  Consistory  upon  their 
secretly  preaching. 

Nor  was  Johnson's  warm  complexion  cooled.  It  is  shown 
by  the  dissents  which  very  soon  divided  his  congregation 
into  two  parties.  Reference  to  this,  is  found  in  the  Con- 
sistory's records  of  the  Reformed  Congregation  at  Middel- 
burg, March  28,  1592  : — "  it  will  be  attempted  to  persuade 
both  parties  of  the  English  Church  to  submit  their  matter 
of  dispute  to  the  judgment  of  the  classis  of  Walcheren." 

Francis  Johnson,  I  think,  harboured  a  great  antipathy 
to  the  separatists,  who  a  couple  of  years  back  gathered  a 
church  under  Robert  Browne.  After  his  departure,  in 
1583,  it  was  entrusted  to  the  care  of  Robert  Harrison.  Cer- 
tain it  is,  that  the  latter  died  before  1608,  the  precise  date 
being,  however,  unknown.  In  Ainsworth's  "  Counterpoy- 
son,"    1608,  we  find  : — "  Mr.  Harrison   returned   not   into 


Francis  Johnson  a  Brownist  47 

your   Church  of   England,  but  died  at   Middelburg  in   this 
faith,  that  we  prof  esse." 

Was  Hendrick  Janss.  Harrison,  the  editor  of  the  works 
of  Menno  Simons  in  1681,  or  perhaps  one  of  his  de- 
scendants ? 

Probably  seeing  his  attempts  to  bring  them  back,  in  a 
friendly  way,  to  the  bosom  of  the  Puritan  Church  fail, 
Johnson  now  resolved  to  use  stronger  measures.  He 
watched  with  a  rigid  care  over  them. 

In  1 59 1  he  found  out  that  Barrowe  and  Greenwood,  then 
chiefs  of  the  Brownists,  were  secretly  preparing  to  have 
printed  on  a  Middelburg  press  a  polemical  writing  against 
the  Church  of  England,  of  which  the  following  is  the  full 
title  :_"  A  plain  refutation  of  Mr.  Giflfard's  book,  entitled  : 
A  short  treatise  against  the  Donatists  of  England  ;  wherein 
is  discovered  the  forgery  of  the  whole  ministry,  the  con- 
fusion, false  worship,  and  antichristian  disorder  of  the 
parish  assemblies,  called  the  Church  of  England.  Here 
also  is  prefixed  a  sum  of  the  causes  of  separation  and  of  our 
purposes  in  practice." 

Johnson  hurried  to  give  information  of  this  to  the  English 
Ambassador  at  the  Hague,  who  empowered  him,  to  his 
great  satisfaction,  to  do  what  he  thought  proper.  He  slyly 
concealed  his  discovery  till  the  last  sheet  was  printed.  He 
then  suddenly  surprised  the  printer,  by  requiring  him  to 
deliver  all  copies,  and  he  compelled  the  magistrate,  who 
dared  not  oppose  the  ambassador's  authority,  to  order  the 
books  to  be  publicly  burnt.  In  his  presence  the  whole  im- 
pression, except  two  copies,  were  committed  to  the  flames. 
One  of  the  two  reserved  copies  he  kept  for  himself,  the 
other  one  he  bestowed  upon  a  learned  friend  of  his. 

Wondering  what  a  tissue  of  errors  this  work  might  be, 
Johnson  sat  down  in  his  study  to  peruse  the  book  super- 
ficially. He  was,  however,  so  interested  that  he  read  and 
re-read  it,  becoming  more  and  more  interested.     At  last  he 


48  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

could  not  help  thinking  it  contained  only  the  truth.  From 
his  copy  he  had  a  new  edition  printed  in  1606. 

His  resolution  was  at  once  formed.  Not  as  Fletcher 
(Independency  II,  page  211)  erroneously  writes: — "his 
sentiments  from  this  time  underwent  a  g-radua/  change." 

He  resolved  to  resign  his  office  and  join  those  whom  he 
had  formerly  supposed  to  be  fanatics — the  despised  Brown- 
ists.  He  visited  Barrowe  and  Greenwood,  the  noble  con- 
fessors of  truth,  in  their  London  prison,  and  to  be  inspired 
by  their  religious  zeal,  before,  as  might  perhaps  be  speedily 
the  case  they  should  suffer  the  death  of  martyrs. 


CHAPTER     VIII 

The  Brownists   and   the   Dutch  Reformed  and 
Walloon  Churches 

THE  troubles  and  difficulties  of  Francis  Johnson  now 
began.  He  succeeded  in  establishing  a  church, 
which  both  his  father  John  Johnson  and  his  brother  George 
joined.  Yet  he  was  repeatedly  persecuted  by  the  State 
churchmen.  He  was  imprisoned,  set  at  Liberty,  and  im- 
prisoned again.  When  in  April  and  May  1593  Barrowe 
and  Greenwood  were  executed  on  that  scaffold,  Francis 
Johnson  could  only  expect  to  meet  the  same  fate,  but  then 
half  a  year  had  elapsed  ;  he  seemed  to  have  been  forgotten. 
The  churchmen  announced  triumphantly:  "the  sect  has 
actually  been  stamped  out." 

November  6,  1593,  Francis  Johnson  made  application  for 
his  release  to  his  former  patron  Lord  Burghley.  He  begged 
that  if  not  liberated,  he  might  at  least  be  admitted  to  bail 
during  four  or  five  months,  to  restore  his  broken  health. 

It  was  no  wonder  that  his  constitution  had  been  weak- 
ened. From  his  brother  and  fellow-prisoner  George,  we 
learn,  again,  that  seven  months  later,  July  i,  1594,  they 
were  lodged  in  the  darkest  and  most  miserable  dungeons, 
having  only  straw  to  lie  upon.  Sometimes  they  were  with- 
out food  during  twenty-four  hours.  Clean  linen  was  al- 
lowed them  only  once  every  twenty  days.  Neither  friends 
nor  relatives  were  permitted  to  visit  them. 

In  1596,  their  Amsterdam  fellow-believers  wrote  page  30 
of  the  preface  to  their  confession  of  faith  :  ' '  the  wickedness 
and  supremacy  of  these  papistics,  alias  Anglicans,  are  such 
as  to  persecute  to  death  all  persons  who  contradict  them, 
throwing  them  into  dirty  prisons,  which  these  prisoners 
seldom  or  never  quit,  except  when  carried  out  upon  a  bier, 
unless  they  do  violence  to  their  conscience  ;  nor  did  the 
Anglicans  provide  for  those  they  kept,  but  detained  them, 


50  History  of  the  Free  Churhmen 

without  food  or  money  for  their  subsistence,  however  poor 
they  were.  If  of  means  of  their  own,  they  were  made  to 
pay  for  their  board  ;  if  not,  the  prelates  let  them  live  upon 
air.  And  in  order  that  they  might  the  sooner  perish  of 
hunger,  or  renounce  their  allegiance  to  truth,  they  are  put 
in  dark  cells,  entirely  secluded  from  the  world  ;  all  their 
friends,  nay,  even  their  wives  and  children  being  forbidden 
to  come  and  see  them."  (Epistolae  ecclesiasticae  et  theol. 
1704,  pages  68  and  69). 

Francis  Johnson's  application  for  release  had  no  success. 
It  was  four  years  afterwards,  that  the  persecutors  gave  their 
sentence  on  him.  Experience  had  then  taught  it  was  very 
far  better  to  remove  secretly  men  to  Johnson's  world,  than 
to  favor  them  with  the  crown  of  martyrdom. 

Now  Charles  Leigh,  a  London  merchant,  and  of  the  so- 
called  "merchant-strangers"— the  brothers  Abraham  and 
Steven  of  Harwick  (an  elleptic  form  of  Harderwijk*  or 
Harderwick)  a  Dutch  town,  not  to  be  confounded  with  the 
English  sea-port,  Harwich.  These  men  fitted  out  two 
ships,  with  the  purpose  of  forming  a  settlement  for  cod- 
fishery  and  trade  in  the  bay  of  Canada,  on  Rainea,  an  island 
close  to  Newfoundland.  Simultaneously  they  made  "hum- 
ble suit  to  her  majesty,  to  transport  out  of  their  realm  divers 
artificers  and  others,  pensons  that  are  noted  to  be  sectaries, 
whose  minds  are  continually  in  an  ecclesiastical  ferment, 
whereof  four  shall  at  this  present  sail  thither  in  those  ships 
that  go  this  present  voyage."      (See  Register  of   the  Privy 

Council). 

These  four  men  were  Brownists  and  had  to  .stay  be- 
yond seas  until  they  changed  their  minds  and  conformed 
to  the  rules  of  the  Church  of  England.  They  were  the 
brothers  Johnson,  their  elder  Daniel  Studley,  and  John 
Clerk,  formerly  Major  of  St.  Alban.s,  but  since  June,  1594, 

*  Formerlv  the^^^ToTa^uni^^er^suppressed  by  Napoleou  and  in 
later  years  the  seat  of  recruiting  and  supply  for  the  army  in  Insulande 
(Island  India)  or  the  Dutch  East  ludes.— Ed. 


The  Brownists  and  the  Churches  51 

stigmatized  as  a  rebel,  for  letting  the  Brownists  meet  for 
religious  worship  in  his  house.  Besides,  he  had  harbored 
Penry,  and,  a  little  before  the  latter  was  imprisoned,  and 
had  promised  to  pray  for  him. 

Both  the  ships,  the  Hopezccll,  Captain  Crofton  and  the 
Chancewell,  Captain  Steven  of  Harwich,  which  left  Grave- 
send,  April  8,  1597,  and  had  on  board  the  four  exiles,  had 
a  disastrous  voyage.  The  former,  indeed,  reached  the 
island  of  Rainea,  but  before  the  crew  could  land,  they  fell 
foul  of  French  ships,  and  a  tumult  arose  aboard.  The 
other  ship  was  wrecked  June  23  and  plundered  by  the 
French. 

A  quite  unexpected  meeting  with  the  Hopewell  only 
saved  the  crew  from  starvation.  The  captains  intended  to 
make  good  their  loss  by  privateering,  but  had  to  give  up 
their  plan,  owing  to  the  poor  condition  of  the  ships  and 
from  want  of  provisions.  They  again  shaped  their  course 
to  England  arriving  at  the  beginning  of  September. 

Yet  the  exiles  dared  not  land,  but  fled  to  Amsterdam, 
assured  as  they  were  to  be  kindly  received  there  by  Ains- 
worth  and  his  companions. 

In  this  expectation  they  were  not  disappointed.  Full  of 
compassion  for  their  distresses,  the  congregation  welcomed 
and  admitted  them.  It  is  probable  that  John  Clark,  like 
the  other  brothers,  Johnson  and  Studley,  settled  down  in 
Amsterdam,  as,  according  to  No.  104  of  annexed  list  of 
marriages  (Appendix  A)  his  widow  Ursula  Trievwery 
(Truery?)  married  again,  June  7,  1614,  in  Amsterdam,  to 
Studley. 

Francis  Johnson  was  re-instated  in  his  former  office  as  a 
pastor  or  teaching  elder,  that  is,  he  was  competent  to  over- 
see the  members,  to  preach,  to  administer  the  sacraments, 
and  to  govern  the  flock.  And  as  the  work  took  all  his 
time,  the  congregation  bound  itself  to  provide  for  his  sup- 
port. 


52  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

Ainsworth  remained  as  ordinary  minister.  Daniel  Stud- 
ley,  together  with  George  Kniveton,  formerly  chemist  at 
Leyden  and  elder  of  the  congregation,  when  it  still  met  at 
Islington,  Stanshall  Mercer,  and  the  late  elder  of  Naarden, 
Matthew  Slade,  were  now  ruling  elders,  who  had  to  assist 
Francis  Johnson  in  overseeing  and  governing.  Yet  only  if 
need  be,  or  in  default  of  the  pastor  and  minister,  they  had 
to  preach.  Already  since  1593  Christopher  Bowman  was 
its  deacon.  Francis  Johnson  includes  the  year  Bowman 
had  been  deacon  at  Islington,  when  writing  in  his  "  Inquiry 
and  Answer,"  1606,  page  15: — "  to  which  he  hath  with 
good  approbation  ministered  in  that  office  now  about  14 
years."  Between  1599  and  1602  Thomas  Bishop  and  David 
Bresto  became  deacons. 

Francis  Johnson's  Puritan  feelings  were  still  too  sensi- 
tive for  him  to  approve  of  his  congregation's  isolation. 
Because  of  its  corruptions,  he  had  separated  from  the 
Church  of  England.  This  reason  did  not  deter  him  from 
communion  with  the  Reformed  Church  in  Holland.  He 
earnestly  endeavored  to  keep  up  a  close  connection  with  the 
Reformed  and  later  with  the  Presbyterians. 

Ainsworth  had  met  only  with  opposition  and  contempt, 
Johnson  hoped  to  receive  more  Christian  courtesy. 

In  1598,  a  full  year  after  his  arrival,  he  published  with  a 
preface  an  English  reprint  of  the  1596  edition  of  Ains- 
worth's  Confession  of  Faith,  to  which  he  could  agree  in 
every  respect.  Its  title  runs  :^— "  The  confession  of  faith  of 
certain  English  people  living  in  the  Eow  Countries  exiled." 
This  edition  was  enlarged  by  a  Latin  translation,  entitled  : 
"  Confessio  fidei  Anglorum  quorumdam  in  Belgia  exulan- 
tium,  una  cum  praefatione  ad  lectorem." 

Copies  were  sent  to  the  Consistories  of  the  Dutch  and 
Walloon  Reformed  Churches. 

In  the  records  of  the  Consistory  of  the  Walloon  Church, 
we  find,  June  8,  a  reference  to  it  : — "  Mr.   de  la  Vigne  et 


The  Brownists  and  the  Chur.ches  53 

laffin  sont  nommer  pour  avec  Mr.  Plancius  et  Armiuius 
traicter  touchant  le  faict  des  Anglois  sentans  et  euseignans 
autrement  que  nous." 

No  mention  of  it,  however,  is  made  in  the  Consistory's 
records  of  the  Dutch  Reformed  Church. 

To  both  editions  was  prefixed  an  "  Epistola  illustrissimis 
et  doctissimis  viris,  sacrarum  literarum  studiosis,  in  cele- 
berrimis  Lugduni  Batavorum,  Sanctandreae  in  Scotia, 
Heidelbergae,  Genevae,  Caeterisque  Belgii,  Scotiae,  Ger- 
maniae,  Galliae  Academiis  Christianis,"  to  which  it  was 
declared  the  Confession  of  Faith  was  dedicated  in  order 
that,  in  case  of  errors,  they  might  warn  them  against  these, 
and  give  approval,  "  vel  silentio  vel  scripto  "  to  whatever 
was  truth  in  the  document. 

It  was  prayed  that  their  previous  persecutions,  the  suf- 
fering in  their  present  exile,  their  zealous  efforts  to  propa- 
gate the  truth  and  to  complete  the  work  of  the  Reformation, 
for  the  benefit  of  all  Christians  both  their  native  and  their 
new  country,  might  be  admitted  as  excuses — should  any 
one  charge  them  with  arrogance  on  account  of  the  publica- 
tion, and,  above  all,  on  account  of  their  appeal  to  the  most 
eminent  corypheuses  of  science. 

Johnson  and  Ainsworth  did  not  let  the  matter  rest  there. 
By  sending  one  of  them — quemdam  e  numero  vestro,  as 
Junius  calls  him  in  his  answer — with  a  copy  of  the  Confes- 
sion of  Faith  to  the  well-known  Leyden  professor  Francis- 
cus  Junius,  they  ventured  upon  another  attempt  to  procure 
an  answer  to  the  Leyden  faculty.  Their  hope  was  to  ob- 
tain the  answer  of  the  whole  faculty,  and  not  of  a  private 
person,  that  of  Junius.  Being  a  friend  of  Cartwright,  and 
moreover  known  as  a  man  of  peace,  Johnson  looked  for  the 
support  and  approbation  of  Junius.  But  owing  to  his 
peaceful  mind,  or  perhaps  even  more  to  fear  of  being  sus- 
pected of  heresy,  when  taking  the  part  of  the  Brownists. 
Junius  sought  all  sorts  of  subterfuges  and  constantly  re- 
fused the  support  desired  of  him. 


54  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

His  shuffling  answer  was  drawn  in  the  most  amiable  and 
friendly  terms.  Yet  he  carefull}'  evaded  the  speaking  of 
his  true  mind  as  to  the  contents  of  the  Confession  of  faith, 
Junius'  letter  was  dated  January  9,  1599,  and  not  1600,  as 
Hanbury — who  thinks  that  Junius  adhered  to  the  old 
style — misstates  in  his  Memorials  I,  page  134. 

Junius  may  have  been  in  a  quandary  as  to  what  he  could 
do  for  them  in  this  direction.  In  his  letter  he  intimates  that 
he  does  not  like  to  meddle  with  the  business  of  others.  He 
is  not  at  all  competent  to  decide  whether  they  are  in  the 
right.  Besides,  having  solicited  the  opinion  of  the  univer- 
sity it  would  be  most  pretentious  for  him  to  pronounce  judg- 
ment about  it  in  the  matter  without  consulting  others. 

Junius  referred  the  Brownists  to  the  Amsterdam  Consis- 
tory as  being  their  only  legal  judge.  Yet,  without  saying 
a  single  word  as  to  its  contents,  he  strongly  disapproved  of 
the  publication  of  the  Confession.  It  contributed  to 
awaken  doubts  whether  the  presumption  of  heresy  be  un- 
founded, as  being  otherwise  useless.  It  was  a  hostile  act 
towards  the  Church  of  England  ;  a  concealed  resentment 
against  persecutions  which  should  be  borne  Christianly. 
Because  so  public  an  action  was  calculated  to  stir  up  men- 
tal excitement,  it  could  never  remove  any  evil.  It  would 
give  reason  to  the  enemies  of  the  true  church  to  rejoice  in 
the  discords  between  the  faithful.  It  would  give  offence 
to  those  lacking  in  faith.  Perhaps,  even  contention  would 
be  occasioned  by  it  in  the  Reformed  Church,  which,  be- 
cause of  having  it  kindly  received  on  their  arrival  in  Hol- 
land has  certainly  not  deserved  it  from  them. 

This  letter  Junius  sent  to  the  Consistories  of  the  Dutch 
Reformed  and  Walloon  congregations  for  their  reading  at 
the  same  time  charging  these  with  the  delivery  of  it. 
Through  that  same  medium  Johnson  and  Ainsworth  re- 
turned, in  answer  to  Junius,  a  very  elaborate,  carefully 
drawn  up  defence,  dated  February  19,  1599. 


The  BrownIvSTvS  and  the  Churches  55 

It  seemed  as  if  Junius  had  all  at  once  forgotten  how  a 
letter  could  reach  the  Brownist  leader.  Before  receiving 
their  reminder,  which  came  to  hands  March  9,  and  has 
since  been  lost,  Junius  wrote,  March  10,  a  second  letter. 
The  fact  is,  that  he  was  puzzled  at  having  learned  from  a 
letter  of  the  ministers  Taffinus  and  Arminius,  dated  March 
3,  that  they  were  very  angry  with  Johnson  and  his  com- 
panions. In  fact  his  answer  to  their  defence  does  not  con- 
tain anything  new.  Contradictory  to  his  former  saying  : 
"putatisne  quemquam  ita  dementem  fore,  ut  quum  tarn 
raultorum  bonorum  judicium  et  opera  desiderata  est,  unus 
aliquis  solitarius  de  ea  ie  dicat,"  he  now  assures  them, 
that  he  "  nihil  fratribus  et  collegis  inconsultis  fecit," 
and  forbids  positively  that  they  should  derive  from  his 
silence  respecting  the  contents  of  the  Confession  of  faith, 
his  assent  to  it. 

He,  indeed,  still  addresses  them  as  "  fratres  dilecti  et 
charissimi,"  but,  when  adding: — "  habetote  fiducium 
vestram  et  nobis  relinquite  modestiam  nostram  ;  quod  si 
vobis  fortiores  in  judiciis  esse  videmini,  nos  velut  infirmos 
ferte  dum  quiete  pia  et  studio  sacro  ad  altiora  et  certiora 
venerimus,"  displays  the  most  haughty  contempt. 

It  is  no  wonder  that  the  English,  after  due  consideration, 
resolved  on  retaining  their  friendly,  submissive  rejoinder, 
which  had  been  already  drawn  up  March  18,  as  is  shown  by 
one  of  their  later  letters  sent  to  Junius,  July  i,  1602,  and 
printed  in  "Certain  Letters."  The  "  Epistolae  eccl.  et 
theol."  contain  only  Junius'  answer  to  it. 

After  all  their  time  and  labor  spent,  their  sole  aim  being 
the  intercession  in  their  favor  of  the  Eeyden  faculty,  the 
result  was  failure. 


CHAPTER  IX 

The  Grievances  of  the  Brownists  Against  the 
Dutch  Reformed 

NEW  troubles  arose  among  these  Free  Churchmen.  One 
of  their  elders,  Matthew  Slade  separated  from  their 
brotherhood.  He  joined  the  Dutch  Reformed  Church  and 
was  next  appointed,  July  i,  1598,  sub-rector  of  the  Amster- 
dam grammar-school  in  the  Koe  (Cow)  Street. '*'  His  name 
and  the  date  of  his  appointment  are  recorded  in  the  Treas- 
ury Accounts  of  Amsterdam,  from  February,  1598  to 
February,  1599,  stating  : — "  Paulus  Tossamus,  sub-rector 
at  the  old  side  and  Matheus  Sladus,  chosen  in  the  room  of 
the  said  Paulus,  paid  florins  432,  10  denaries,  for  salary 
during  four  quarters  of  a  year  and  four  months  due  the  ist 
of  November  1598  " — Four  months  being  perhaps  a  clerical 

*  Matthew  vSlade,  from  the  county  of  Dorset,  was  a  mason  by  trade. 
Yet  he  had  received  some  education  in  letters.  One  day  he  strolled, 
in  his  work  dress,  into  an  Amsterdam  street,  and  stopped  at  a  book- 
shop. In  the  window  he  noticed  an  open  volume,  in  which  he  read  a 
Latin  poem.  As  he  was  reading,  he  shook  his  head,  to  the  great 
amusement  of  the  poet,  who  happened  to  be  inside  the  shop.  Slade 
was  called  in  and  the  poet  asked  :  why  he  turned  his  nose  up  at  the 
poem  ?  "It  is  not  bad,"  was  the  answer,  "  but  there  are  blunders  in 
it  ;  "  which  he  pointed  out  and  corrected.  The  poet  agreed  with  him, 
and  from  that  moment  on,  helped  the  mason  to  metamorphose  him- 
self into  a  man  of  science.  He  served  as  teacher,  sub-rector  and 
rector  of  the  grammar-school  in  Amsterdam  until  a  couple  of  3'ears 
before  his  death  in  1628.  About  1600  he  became  also  the  first  librarian 
of  the  Amsterdam  town-library,  which,  at  that  time  contained  but  a 
few  hundred  volumes  and  was  opened  but  one  day  a  week.  Because 
of  his  great  knowledge  of  books,  he  was  nicknamed  :  a  walking 
library.  He  made,  in  Latin,  the  first  catalogue,  entitled: — "  Cata- 
logus  Bibliothecae  Amstelredamensis.  Lugduni  Batavorum,  extypo- 
graphio  Henrici  Ludovici  ab  Haestens,  MDCXII." — The  copy  in  the 
Cambridge  Museum  is  probably  the  only  one  in  existence.  To  both 
the  setting  up  and  printing  much  care  was  devoted.  On  the  title- 
page  is  a  beautiful  engraving  ;  showdng  a  large  Bible  with  the  arms 
of  Amsterdam  and  an  inscription  in  Greek  besides  the  figures  of  Com- 
merce and  Navigation  with  its  attributes  on  either  sides  supported 
upon  the  Book  of  books  In  1880  a  reprint  of  this  extremely  rare 
catalogue  was  issued  by  the  old  firm  of  Johannes  Enschede  and  Son, 
Harlem,  for  the  lovers  of  books.  —  Translator-. 


The  Grievances  of  the  Brownists  57 

error  for  four  weeks,  in  case  of  which  Slade  entered  upon 
his  office  October  i,  1598.  In  the  account  of  the  next  year, 
four  hundred  florins  are  regularly  noted  for  his  salary.  H. 
Verheyk  in  his  "  Oratio  secularis  de  antiquitate  et  vicissi- 
tudinibus  scholae  Amistelre  damensis,"  1778,  page  55, 
relates  of  him  : — "  Matthaeus  (Sladus)  certe  natione 
Anglus,  Graecis  ac  Latinis  et  poeticis  elegantiis  satis  su- 
bactus,  nescio  quo  casu  hue  delatus,  et  Beronicio  non  absi- 
milem  degens  vitam  fabro  caementario  operam  collocabat. 
Forte  in  platae,  quam  Vitulinam  vocamus,  bibliopolium 
transiens  in  venale  carmen  L,atinum  oculos  coniicit,  legit, 
et  veluti  indignabundus  caput  quassat.  Homo,  ut  vide- 
batur,  nuHius  pretii,  squalida,  et,  ut  solent  opesae,  attrita 
veste  Latini  carminis  censuram  faciens,  in  officina  adstan- 
tibus  risu  excipitur,  quorum  tamen  unus  :  hem  quid  tibi 
videtur,  amice  !  non  malum,  inquit,  sed  vitia  insunt  duo 
insignia.  Ipse  accedit  poeta,  quid  factum  audit  sibique 
monstrentur  petit.  En  tibi,  ait  :  placet  etiamsi  reprehensor  : 
abstiue  a  tam  vili  opere,  te  pro  meritis  vestiam,  et  victum 
curabo.  Dictum  factum.  Non  diu  post  publicae  scholae 
pars  quaedam  ei  committitur,  mox  Conrectoris  munus, 
quod  tamen,  ducta  in  matrimonium  Petri  Plancii  sacrorum 
Antistitis  filia,  deire  posuit." 

The  proof  of  Slade's  having  been  an  elder  with  the 
Brownists,  is  to  be  read  in  George  Johnson's  "  Discourse  of 
certain  troubles,"  1603.  He  states  that  Francis  Johnson's 
congregation  had  originally  three  elders  :  Studley,  Knyve- 
ton  and  Slade,  whose  name  is  not  mentioned  in  Ainsworth's 
answer  to  J.  Sprint's  reproach  in  his  2d  Consideration  — 
"Besides  your  principall  pillars  of  greatest  rekniug,  gifts 
and  judgment  have  returned  from  you  under  the  Church 
of  England  ;  as  Harrison,  Smith,  Crud,  Slade  and  sundry 
other  ministers."  Ainsworth  says,  ("  Counterpoyson," 
1608  page  41)  :  — "  Mr.  Harrison  returned  not  unto  your 
Church  of  England,  but  died  in  Middelburg,  in  this  faith 


58  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

that  we  profess.  Mr.  Smyth,  Crud  and  some  others,  which 
never  were  officers,  much  less  pillars  in  our  church,  did, 
indeed,  forsake  their  first  faith  and  died  soon  after."  He 
does  not  mention  Slade,  because  the  latter  had  in  fact  been 
an  officer. 

Those  who  naturally  wished  to  win  back  Slade  into  their 
church,  sent  him  a  list  of  eleven  articles  explaining,  why 
they  disapproved  of  this  tranfer  of  his  membership. 
These  entitled:  "Articles  against  the  French  and  Dutch 
by  Francis  Johnson,"  were  issued  in  book  form.  No  copy 
of  it,  I  think,  is  extant,  but  its  contents  may  be  seen  in  the 
Epistolae  eccl.  et  theol.,  page  79,  and  in  the  Acta  of  the 
North  Holland  Synod  of  the  i8th  of  June  1601,  sub.  38,  at 
which  Synod  only  the  first  ten  articles  were  discussed. 

According  to  these  articles,  the  Reformed  congregation 
was  too  numerous  to  be  a  true  church.  It  cannot  meet  to- 
gether in  one  place,  and  accordingly  is  unable  to  conduct 
rightly  church  discipline.  Nor  could  it  take  knowledge  of 
the  presence  or  absence  of  the  members  from  the  church 
assemblies.  They  baptize  children  of  non-members,  and 
neglect  the  care  for  such  baptised  children.  Next  to  the 
Lord's  prayer,  they  have  all  sorts  of  set  forms  of  prayers. 
They  meet  in  the  temples  of  the  antichristians,  that  is,  in 
the  former  churches  of  the  Roman  Catholics  :  "  the  anti- 
christian  stones  have  some  of  them  the  ornaments  of  the 
Roman  harlot  upon  them  remaining."  They  maintain 
their  ministers  out  of  funds  and  not  by  voluntary  contribu- 
tions. They  do  not  ordain  members  of  the  Consistory  for 
life,  but  yearly.  They  assume  the  right  to  contract  mar- 
riages, which  belongs  to  the  prerogative  of  the  magistrate, 
and  celebrate  festivals,  invented  by  man,  as  if  they  were 
equal  to  the  divine  Sabbath.  But,  above  all,  in  contraven- 
tion of  the  rules  given  to  us  for  church  discipline,  they  do 
not  strictly  conform  to  Matthew  XVHI,  15-17,  both  by 
temporarily   forbidding  any  one  to  partake   at  the  Lord's 


The  Grievances  of  the  Brownists  59 

Supper  instead  of  excommunicating  him,  and  by  readmit- 
ting to  the  congregation  excommunicates,  before  having 
given  sufficient  evidence  of  penitence. 

This  usage  to  let  excommunication,  by  way  of  last  warn- 
ing, precede  by  suspension  from  communion,  was  quite  un- 
kuown  to  Calvin.  It  was  for  the  first  time  practiced  by  the 
Dutch  Church  in  London,  next  at  Embden,  and  afterwards 
in  Geneva,  the  Palatine  and  France.  At  length,  in  1571, 
it  was  enacted  by  the  Synod  at  Embden  for  the  Reformed 
Church  in  Holland.  Accordingly,  this  method  or  degree 
of  church  censure — one  of  the  objections  of  the  Brownists — 
dated  then,  from  scarcely  thirty  years  before,  or  about  1541. 

The  last,  or  eleventh  article,  concerning  readmission  of 
excommunicants,  is  passed  over  in  silence  in  the  letter  of 
the  Reformed  ministers,  Taffinus,  and  Arminius,  to  Junius. 
Was  not  this  noteworthy  ?  Perhaps  the  soundness  of  this 
grievance  was  undeniable. 

The  remaining  ten  articles  were  mentioned  accurately — 
which  shows  that  Matthew  Slade  had  hurried  to  inform 
them  thereof. 

Another  source  of  friction  was  developed  when  the  Con- 
sistory sent  some  deputies  to  lay  the  dispute  before  the 
North   Holland  Synod,  which   assembled  at  Alkmaar,  June 

21,  1599- 

The  Synod,  considering  that  "  those  who  were  called 
Brownists  and  had  come  from  England,  bred  disquiet 
among  several  members  of  the  Church,"  thought  fit  that 
"  any  church,  where  such  be  the  case,  should  reason  the 
magistrate  into  providing  against  it,  under  the  authority  of 
the  Honorable  Eord  States." 

The  relations  with  the  Reformed  did  not  improve  when, 
nearly  eight  months  after,  February  10,  1600,  some  depu- 
ties of  Johnson's  congregation  lodged  their  complaint  with 
the  Reformed  Consistory,  for  having  received  as  members 
some  who  had  been  excommunicated  for  defending  an  adul- 


60  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

terer,  and  a  woman  who  had  forsaken  the  Brownist  church. 

This  woman  was  constantly  reproaching  the  Brownists 
with  only  naming,  but  in  fact  not  regarding  the  Reformed 
as  Christians. 

A  fortnight  afterwards  the  haughty  answer  was  made 
that  theirs  could  not  be  considered  as  an  ecclesiastical  com- 
plaint, since  their  gathering  had  never  been  acknowledged 
as  a  church.  In  fact,  in  the  protocol  of  the  Consistory, 
February  lo,  1600,  III  fol.  53,  the  word  church,  which  the 
secretary  had  put  down  by  mistake,  is  blotted  out. 

The  Consistory  was  disposed  to  take  into  consideration 
any  grievance  which  they  might  have  individually,  but  all 
further  negotiations  with  the  English  were  cut  off.  Yet, 
fully  a  year  after,  April  5,  1601,  the  English  reverted  to 
the  matter.  On  that  day  six  of  their  deputies  came  to  the 
meeting  of  the  Consistory  of  the  Reformed  congregation. 
One  of  them  read  aloud  a  Latin  paper,  in  which  most  likely, 
for  the  document  is  lost  they  harked  back  to  their  old 
grievances.  After  the  reading,  they  handed  the  document 
to  the  president-minister,  Plancius.  The  latter  perusing 
it,  and  seeing  it  was  not  signed,  desired  them  to  validate  it 
by  their  signatures,  which  they  did.  He  next  ordered 
them  to  leave  the  room  for  a  moment. 

The  Consistory  agreed  that  the  paper  should  be  trans- 
lated and  sent  to  all  the  members  to  take  cognizance  of  it. 
that  a  committee  should  draft  an  answer  and  submit  it  for 
the  Consistory's  approbation  ;  and  finally,  that  the  president 
should  administer  a  severe  reproof. 

No  sooner  were  the  Brownists  deputies  again  ushered 
into  the  waiting  room,  than  there  came  from  the  lips  of 
Minister  Plancius  :  "  Nos  maxima  cum  tristitia  vestras 
audivimus  accusationes  :  confidimus  autem  omnibus  piis 
satis  superque  constare,  nos  ita  hactemus  Dei  gratia  vixisse, 
ut  semper  apparuerit  inter  dicta  et  facta  nostra  optimus 
consensus,  ut  pote  qui  promissa  fideliter  assidue  praestiti- 


The  Grievances  of  the  Brownists  61 

mus.  In  vera  Dei  ecclesia  semper  viget  vera  Christiana 
charitas,  quae  omnino  aliena  est  ab  accusandi  et  coudem- 
nandi  libidine.  Vestra  autem  verba  graves  continerent 
acciisationes  si  essent  vera,  sed  magnas  continent  calumnias, 
si  sint  falsa.  Ea  vero  esse  hujusmodi,  suo  tempore  (Deo 
adjuvante)  re  ipsa  docebimus." 

With  these  words  the  English  were  dismissed.  Their  re- 
quest to  have  the  Consistory's  deliverance  put  on  paper,  or 
at  least  to  repeat  it  once  more,  so  as  to  enable  them  to 
carry  word  for  word  to  their  congregation,  was  rejected. 
They  had  then  to  depart  helplessly.  Only  three  months 
after,  they  came  to  know  the  right  meaning  of  the  promise  : 
"  verba  vestra  esse  falsa  re  ipsa  docebimus."  * 

The  Consistory,  to  get  rid  of  the  matter  had  ordered  its 
deputies  to  the  North  Holland  Synod,  which  met  June  i8 
of  that  year,  to  put  the  question  :  "  For  what  should  be 
kept  those  who  separated  from  the  Reformed  Church  of 
God  in  England,  and  besides  withdrew  from  the  Reformed 
congregation,  Jesu  Christi  here  in  Holland,  for  these  follow- 
ing ten  chapters?  "  after  which  the  ten  points  in  dispute — 
the  eleventh  one  being  passed  over  in  silence — were  com- 
municated. 

In  answer  to  this  question  the  Synod  declared  "that 
those  ought  to  be  considered  schismatics  or  apostates,"  and 
directed  a  few  members  of  the  Consistorj^  that,  should  the 
English,  in  consequence  of  that  declaration,  intend  to  ex- 
communicate the  Reformed  Church,  they  were  first  to  dis- 
suade them  from  it,  and  next,  if  they  continued  obstinate 
in  it,  to  apply  to  the  magistrate,  not — as  is  added  — for  fear 
of  excommunication,  which  counts  for  little,  but  to  prevent 
the  simple  from  being  alarmed  at  it  ;  and  if  they  neverthe- 
less might  proceed  to  excommunication  and  such  was  de- 
clared publicly,  the  ministers  were  to  announce  to  all  the 
world  for  what  the  said  Brownists  are  kept  by  the  churches 
and  also  ought  to  be  kept  by  anybody  else."  (See  Acts  of 
the  North  Holland  Synod,  June  i8,  1601,  sub.  No.  38). 


62  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

The  Consistory  now  conceived  itself  freed  from  all  further 
negotiations  with  the  English.  Rupture  was  unavoidable. 
The  schismatics  deserve  neither  refutation  nor  reply.  Woe, 
if  they  should  ever  venture  to  importune  the  Consistory 
again. 

Vain  fear  !  The  English  did  not  entertain  the  idea  of  it. 
No  further  reference  to  the  Brownists  in  the  Consistory 
records  of  1602  has  been  found,  except  a  resolution  formed 
July  25  (Protocol  III,  folio  82)  to  direct  the  ministers 
Plancius  and  Arminius  to  investigate  the  records  and  to  ad- 
vise the  Consistory  in  its  answer  to  the  inquiry  of  the 
Classis  of  Walcheren  :  "  How  the  Consistory  behaved  to  its 
Brov^^ists?"  This  inquiry  was,  probably,  also  made  in 
consequence  of  the  ninth  gravamen,  laid  by  four  classes  of 
Zealand  before  the  Synod  and  to  be  dealt  with  in  its  next 
assembly  :  "  Whether  it  were  not  advisable  never  to  com- 
municate any  more  in  writing  to  irritable,  fiery  people, 
either  Brownists  or  other  sectaries,  lest  they  might  after- 
wards get  it  printed,  to  the  stirring  up  of  our  members, 
nay,  to  the  injury  of  our  religion  and  church-government, 
and  to  the  propagation  of  their  own  errors?"  (See  Records 
of  these  Classes,  July  11,  1602.) 

New  troubles  were  in  store  for  the  exiles.  Indeed,  a  few 
months  after,  a  translation  into  English  of  their  correspond- 
ence with  Junius,  by  one  R.  G.,  was  published  in  England. 
No  extant  copy  of  it,  is  known. 

It  was  to  prove  that  the  Brownists  "  shroud  themselves 
under  the  shadow  of  human  authority,"  and  was,  besides 
considered  an  excellent  means  "  to  stay  such  as  are  waver- 
ing, to  confirm  such  as  do  stand  and  to  recover  such  as  are 
fallen." 

In  view  of  this  the  elaborate  refutation  of  the  exiles,  sent 
Junius  February  19,  1599  in  reply  to  his  accusation,  was 
omitted.  With  the  delicate  object  of  preventing  Junius' 
letters  from  becoming  public   property,   Johnson  and   his 


The  Grievances  of  the  Brownists  63 

companions  had  always  kept  these  missives  to  themselves 
and  had  never  allowed  them  to  be  copied.  At  first  they 
supposed  Junius  to  have  divulged  the  letters,  but  when  he 
most  positively  denied  such  to  be  the  case,  they  changed 
their  mind.  Yet  they  did  not  suffer  themselves  to  be 
deluded  by  Junius'  subterfuges. 

For  example,  the  latter  suggested,  though  himself  know- 
ing better,  that  the  English  Ambassador  during  his  visit  to 
Amsterdam  might  have  obtained  the  correspondence  from 
the  Brownists  themselves.  Albeit  Junius  did  not  himself 
contribute  to  promote  the  publication,  yet  it  is  clear  that, 
by  communicating  the  letters  to  the  English  Ambassador, 
he  had  played  them  in  their  enemy's  hands.  As  the  refuta- 
tion had  been  designedly  omitted,  and  the  translation  was 
in  some  places  far  from  trustworthy,  this  publication  was 
not  all  that  could  be  desired.  Consequently,  the  Brownists 
resolved  to  have  an  entirely  new  translation  printed,  which 
contained  not  only  the  refutation,  but  also  the  undelivered 
letter  to  Junius  of  March  i8.  Of  this  edition  they  sent, 
July  I,  a  copy  to  the  Leyden  professor  Junius,  who  on  the 
1 6th  of  the  same  month,  exhorted  them  in  a  presumptuous 
tone  and  left  their  next  letter  of  the  21st  following  unans- 
wered. 

Thus  ended  a  correspondence  which,  indeed,  did  Junius 
very  little  credit,  and  of  which  the  English  rightly  said  in 
their  preface  :  — "  All  wisehearted  may  and  will,  we  doubt 
not,  easily  discern  how  naked  and  helpless  they  be,  which 
neither  by  their  friends  at  home  nor  the  most  learned 
abroad,  can  otherwise  be  relieved  than  by  such  things  as 
hitherto  they  have  printed  :  or  howsoever  this  present 
generation  shall  judge  of  these  things,  yet  the  ages  to  come, 
which  will  be  less  partial,  will  easily  give  sentence." 


CHAPTER  X 
Intestine  Discords 

WHILE  the  efforts  of  persecutors,  to  disperse  and  stamp 
out  the  Brownists  were  vain,  a  fierce  dispute  of 
their  own  arose  about  the  same  time  among  themselves. 
Never  since  its  settlement  at  Amsterdam,  had  the  brother- 
hood been  disturbed  to  such  a  degree.  In  fact,  its  vitality 
was  endangered  even  to  possible  annihilation. 

Here  lies  the  crux  of  the  controversories. 

During  his  imprisonment  in  London,  September  1594, 
Francis  Johnson  married  Mrs.  Thomasine  Boys.  She  was 
rather  a  wealthy  widow  who  had  ^300  as  her  dowry. 

Johnson's  brother  George  had  tried  to  dissuade  him  from 
this  marriage.  A  man  confined  on  account  of  religion,  said 
he,  should  not  ally  himself  to  a  woman  notorious  for  her 
showy  dress,  and  probably  unwilling  to  give  it  up  for  plain 
garb.  Indeed,  George  was  not  slightly  shocked  when, 
shortly  after  her  marriage,  she  visited  him  in  his  prison, 
attired  more  magnificently  than  ever.  He  referred  her  to 
Isaiah  III,  16,  \']'\  and  to  what  is  said  there  of  the  daugh- 
ters of  Zion. 

Mrs.  Francis  Johnson  tried  to  soften  her  brother-in-law 
with  flattering  words  excusing  herself  with  an  allusion  to 
I  Timothy  IV,  4,  5  :  — "  For  every  creature  of  God  is  good, 
and  nothing  to  be  refused  if  it  be  received  with  thank- 
giving  :  For  it  is  sanctified  by  the  word  of  God  and  prayer." 

When  the  news  of  their  private  marriage  was  bruited 
abroad,  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  felt  that  he  must 
take  vigorous  measures  against  the  prisoner  and  Francis 
Johnson,  was  henceforward  debarred  from  enjoying  all 
visits. 

As  for  George,  he  considered  himself  bound  to  write  to 
his  brother,  telling  him  that  his  wife  gave  much  scandal  to 


Intestine  Discords  65 

the  members  of  the  congregation  by  her  luxurious  dress, 
wearing  three,  four,  five  gold  rings  on  her  fingers,  while 
her  husband  was  suffering  imprisonment  and  their  fellow- 
believers  at  Amsterdam  were  struggling  with  the  utmost 
poverty.  Still  greater  offence  was  given  by  the  whalebones 
and  laces  of  her  stays,  her  gorgeous  bonnet,  her  stiff, 
starched  frillings,  her  rings,  and  nuisk-odors,  and,  beyond 
all,  an  abominable,  shocking  breast-piece,  which  George 
was  ashamed  to  name,  but  which  he  prayed  the  Lord  to 
make  her  ashamed  to  wear.  Indeed,  he  trusted  the  cost  of 
all  these  things  was  defrayed  by  herself,  but  if  not,  he  was 
willing  to  raise  money  for  paying  this  debt,  rather  than 
casting  any  longer  aspersion  on  the  "sacred  belief  and  the 
people  of  God." 

Though  already  resolved  on  sending  the  letter  to  his 
brother,  George,  after  due  consideration,  thought  better  to 
show  it  beforehand  to  Francis'  wife,  promising  that  it  would 
not  be  delivered  if  she  mended  her  ways.  It  was  no  use. 
She  immediately  communicated  the  letter  to  her  husband, 
who,  in  a  rage,  called  George  a  fanatic,  a  blockhead,  nay, 
an  Anabaptist.  George,  in  his  turn,  retorted  that  Jeremiah 
III,  3  was  applicable  to  her  :  •'  thou  hadst  a  whore's  fore- 
head, thou  refusedst  to  be  ashamed.'' 

Francis  called  this  letter  the  most  detestable  one  ever 
written.  He  desired  the  congregation  to  excommunicate 
his  brother.  But  pastor  Settle  and  elder  Daniel  Studley 
took  George's  part.  Sometime  after,  when  Francis  was 
treated  less  rigorously  and  permitted  to  leave  his  prison  for 
a  while,  under  strict  supervision  of  a  guard,  Studley  effected 
a  reconciliation  between  the  brothers.  This  was  chiefly 
due  to  George's  indulgence,  for  he  owned,  that  the  woman 
had  made  some  reformation.  For  the  future,  he  would 
hope  for  the  best. 

Afterwards  when  another  church  member  made  complaint 
concerning   Mrs.  Johnson's  dress,  George  even  refused  to 


66  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

give  it  a  hearing.  He  also  readily  partook  at  the  comniuu- 
ion,  administered,  early  in  the  spring  of  1597,  in  the  house 
of  his  brother  Francis  and  his  sister-in-law,  however  un- 
worthily these  two  might  have  only  a  short  time  before, 
behaved  toward  him. 

Thus  terminated  this  miserable  conflict  in  England. 
Church  members  of  less  obstinate  temper  flattered  them- 
selves with  the  hope  that  the  old  feud  had  fallen  into  obliv- 
ion, through  the  hardships  the  exiled  brethren  encountered 
on  their  outward  and  homeward  voyage  to  North  America. 

In  this,  however,  they  were  sorely  mistaken.  Francis' 
wife  had  not  been  permitted  to  accompany  her  husband  to 
Rainea,  but  she  probably  traveled  with  him  from  England 
to  Amsterdam.  There  her  presence  was  sufficient  to  re- 
kindle the  quarrel.  Within  barely  ten  weeks  from  their 
arrival,  the  fire  was  burning  more  fiercely  than  ever.  Still 
further,  George,  who  at  times  had  to  live  on  one  shilling  or 
less  a  week,  saw,  most  likely,  the  realative  wealth  of  his 
brother  with  envious  and  sorrowful  eyes.  He  scarcely  had 
a  home,  while  his  brother  was  living  "  in  a  great  house, 
near  the  Reguliers  Gate,  having  sundry  rooms  to  spare," 
while  to  the  wanderer  George  he  "  not  once  offered  one 
corner  of  his  superfluity."  So  George  wrote  in  his  "  Dis- 
course of  certain  troubles  and  communications  in  the  ban- 
ished English  Church  at  Amsterdam,"  page  113. 

Moreover,  George  envied  Francis  his  mastership  as  shep- 
herd of  the  congregation.  Nor  could  he  stand  his  brother's 
ambitious  temper. 

Indeed,  it  seems  that  Francis  had  a  lust  for  power  and 
was  not  free  from  covetousness.  This  we  noticed  on  a 
former  occasion. 

It  is  also  proved  by  the  accusations  against  him  by  his 
deadly  enemy,  the  apostate  Brownist  Christopher  Lawne. 
True,  these  accusations  are  too  much  inflamed  by  party  zeal 
to  be  believed  implicitly.     Yet  they  may  contain  a  modicum 


Intestine  Discords  67 

of  truth.  Aiusworth  himself  owns,  that  the  principal 
cause  of  the  contests,  which,  before  and  after,  pulled  his 
congregation  so  miserably  to  pieces,  was  no  more  than  thirst 
for  supremacy.  R.  Clyfton  writes  ("An  advertisement 
concerning  a  book  by  C.  Lawne,"  1612,  p.  22)  :  "  Love  of 
preeminence,  which  hath  always  troubled  us,  whilst  the 
governors  of  the  church,  which  should  serve  it  with  meek- 
ness, would  rule  it  with  lordship."  Francis  Johnson, 
quoting  these  words,  inserted,  by  way  of  parody,  after 
"  troubled  us  "  "  while  the  people  that  should  be  under  the 
Governors,  would  be  over  and  above  them." 

On  November  25,  1597,  Francis  Johnson's  overmastering 
will  displayed  itself  again  very  clearly.  The  congregation 
agreed  to  nominate  two  more  elders.  Francis  and  his 
friend.  Elder  Studley,  expected  George  to  stand  for  elec- 
tion. On  account  of  their  scientific  education  at  Cam- 
bridge, both  brothers  were  most  fit  for  "Church  government. 

Francis  sent  for  George  and  told  him  that  he  should  not 
become  an  elder,  unless  he  should  apologize  beforehand  for 
the  most  abusive  affront  offered  to  Mrs.  Johnson,  by  apply- 
ing Jeremiah  III,  3,  to  her.  George  replied  that  he  consid- 
ered himself  neither  fit  nor  sufficientl}^  worthy  for  the  elder- 
ship. Speaking  in  a  presumptuous  tone,  he  added  that, 
during  his  exile,  on  land  and  at  sea,  he  had  thought  a  good 
deal  on  that  reference  in  question,  but  could,  even  at  the 
time,  see  nothing  inappropriate  or  sinful  in  it. 

Francis  in  reply  declared  that  he  would  try  the  matter 
out.  "  If  you  do  not  confess  your  guilt,"  said  he  to  his 
brother,  "  you  have  to  make  your  choice  between  your  ex- 
communication and  my  resignation  as  a  pastor." 

The  events  were  now  to  take  their  own  course  and  shape 
themselves.  Ainsworth  made  an  appeal  for  meekness  and 
indulgence,  but  Francis  covered  his  mouth  by  exclaiming  : 
"  If  you  knew  him  as  Studley  and  I  know  him,  you  would 
not  say  so  !" 


68  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

George  was  continuallj'  summoned  to  appear  before  the 
Consistory — very  much  to  the  detriment  of  his  already  bare 
subsistence.  When  on  one  occasion,  he  excussd  himself 
from  coming,  he  was  exhorted  with  the  words  from  Ezra  X 
8:  "And  that  whosoever  would  not  come  within  three 
days,  according  to  the  council  of  the  princes  and  the  elders, 
all  his  substance  should  be  forfeited,  and  himself  separated 
from  the  congregation  of  those  that  had  been  carried 
away." 

George  made  argument,  that  Francis  who,  with  Studley 
as  a  witness,  was  his  accuser  could  not  be  at  the  same  time 
his  judge.  This  was  answered  with  a  reference  to  Moses 
who  himself  condemned  Korah. 

According  to  Francis,  those  who  spoke  in  favor  of  George 
were  altogether  unskilled  in  dispute  and  had  best  be  silent. 

Mrs.  Johnson's  bonnet  was  again  the  stumbling  stone. 
By  vote,  the  brotherhood  decided  the  bonnet  of  itself  was 
not  unsuitable.  George  pretended  never  to  have  said  so. 
He  only  held  it  improper  for  a  wife  to  wear  such  a  bonnet 
during  her  husband's  imprisonment.  Now,  showing  his 
ability  in  syllogism,  Francis  replied,  that  whatever  is  not  of 
itself  unsuitable,  does  not  become  so  by  its  being  used  ; 
consequently,  the  bonnet  did  not  become  unsuitable  because 
his  wife  was  wearing  it.  George  rejoined,  that  velvet  was 
of  itself  not  unsuitable,  but  that  it  would  be  very  unsuited 
to  a  sailor  to  be  clothed  in  it. 

Francis  now  proceeded  to  expatiate  on  the  dress  of  all 
sorts  of  people  and  referred  to  Tamar  (II  Samuel  13:18) 
who  dressed  like  a  king's  daughter.  Other  members  of  the 
congregation,  however,  insisted  that  Mrs.  Johnson's  gor- 
geous garment  was  not  such  as  befitted  a  wife  whose  hus- 
band was  in  prison.  In  consequence  thereof,  said  they,  not 
a  few  had  at  the  time  been  kept  from  sending  a  contribu- 
tion towards  refreshments  for  the  prisoner. 

All    this    irritated     Francis    beyond    endurance.       He 


Intestine  Discords  69 

straightened  up  and  powerfully  argued  that  his  wife's  dress 
was  really  decent  and  becoming  in  every  respect.  Drawing 
a  long  breath,  one  of  his  hearers  most  singularly  besought 
him  to  drop  the  subject  lest  they  might  get  into  trouble 
with  their  wives  and  daughters.  Ainsworth,  indeed,  had 
to  use  all  his  eloquence  to  quiet  the  turbulent  meeting  and 
to  adjourn  it  to  a  next  occasion,  when  Mrs.  Johnston's 
gown,  which  too  had  given  offence,  should  be  exhibited  for 
inspection  by  the  brotherhood. 

Unhappily  enough,  this  adjournment  did  not  improve 
matters.  Francis  refused  to  show  his  wife's  gown.  He 
reproached  his  brother  with  thirty  offences,  and  George 
retorted,  specifying  numerous  others.  George  maintained, 
for  example,  that  several  persons  took  Mrs.  Johnson  to  be 
a  coquette  like  the  daughter  of  Zion,  pictured  by  Isreal 
(III:i6)  who  walks  with  stretched  forth  neck  and  wanton 
eyes,  walking  and  mincing  as  she  goes  and  making  a  tink- 
ling with  her  feet."  Moreover,  she  lay  abed  on  Sunday 
mornings  until  nine  o'clock  so  hindering  the  usual  assem- 
blies, etc.,  etc. 

Francis  took  his  revenge.  On  the  25th  of  December,  (on 
Christmas  let  it  be  observed)  he  preached  from  Psalm  LII, 
and  very  clearly  compared  George  with  the  enemies  of 
David,  who  tried  to  deliver  him  to  Saul,  with  Absalom, 
Judas,  Korah,  Dathan  and  Abiram. 

After  the  service,  when  church- matters  were  in  discus- 
sion, George  accused  his  brother  of  corrupting  the  Script- 
ures and  abusing  his  office  as  a  preacher. 

The  conflict  seemed  now  to  have  attained  its  greatest 
height.  Yet  Ainsworth,  acting  again  as  moderator,  suc- 
ceeded once  more — January  12,  1598 — in  warding  off  the 
excommunication  of  George,  whom  he  thought  was  only  to 
be  reproved  rigidly  for  false  evidence,  and  left  out  of  the 
next  choice  of  elders. 

Though   calling    this  sentence  a  gross  injustice,  George 


70  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

acquiesced  in  it.  Shortly  afterwards,  since  Francis  John- 
son and  Studley  could  not  attain  their  end,  in  the  election 
of  deacons  and  elders,  January  23  and  February  ig,  the 
peace  was  temporarily  left  undisturbed. 

Yet  the  quarrel  revived  August,  1598,  when  George  had 
to  justify  himself  for  withdrawing  from  the  Communion, 
because  a  few  members  of  the  congregation  had  declared 
that  they  also  would  not  partake  at  it,  on  account  of  what 
had  happened.  George  pleaded  innocence  by  referring  to 
the  precept  :  —  "  first  be  reconciled  to  thy  brother  and  then 
come  and  offer  your  gift."      (Matthew  V,  24.) 

This  excuse  tended  to  stir  up  the  old  question,  which  had 
been  at  rest  for  the  last  half  a  year.  George  would  accord- 
ing to  the  thirty-eighth  article  of  the  Confession  of  Faith 
have  another  congregation,  viz.  :  the  one  of  Norwich,  to 
give  an  advisory  judgment  in  other  words,  he  would  have  a 
council  called. 

As  was  to  be  expected,  neither  Francis  nor  Studley,  nor 
any  one  of  their  party,  would  consent  to  this  proposal.  So, 
too,  John  Johnson,  their  father,  now  already  seventy  years 
old,  came  over  from  England,  to  reconcile  if  possible  his 
two  sons.  A  letter  from  the  ministers  of  the  Dutch  and 
Walloon  Reformed  Churches  tells  us  :— "  Narravit  nobis 
Joannes  Jansonius  Anglus  se  hominem  septuagenarium  es 
Anglia  in  banc  urbem  difficili  itinere  venisse,  ut  duos  filios 
suos  Francis  cum  et  Georgium  dissidente.s  in  gratiam  redu- 
ceret." 

Probably  the  Consistories  of  the  said  congregations  had 
nothing  to  do  with  this  letter.  At  all  events,  there  is  no 
mention  of  it  in  their  records.  Its  contents  are  preserved 
in  C.  Lawne's  book,  "  The  Prophane  Schisme  of  the 
.Brownists  or  Separists.  With  the  Impietie,  Dissensions, 
Lewd  and  Abominable  Vices  of  that  impure  Sect,"  16 12, 
4'",  pp.  VIII,  88. 

John  Shaw,  in  "  Advice  to  his  son,"  1664 — a  manuscript 


Intestine  Discords  71 

printed  in  J.  Hunter  "Founders  of  Newplymouth  "  page 
182-186,  consequently,  thus  misstates  the  case  :  —  "  After 
this  the  Johnsons,  both  father  and  sons,  separated  upon  the 
like  grounds  and  went  with  their  congregation  to  Amster- 
dam, but  they  broke  all  in  pieces."  In  fact,  the  father 
only  left  much  later  for  Holland  to  make  peace  between 
his  sons. 

Francis  did  not  shrink  from  the  most  rigid  measures. 
No  church-member  ventured  to  pronounce  excommunica- 
tion. At  the  meeting  convened  for  that  purpoee,  every  one 
of  them  kept  silent  for  fully  an  hour.  At  last,  Francis  rose 
to  his  feet,  and,  white  with  rage,  declared  that  if  nobody 
would  do  it,  he  should  do  it  himself. 

Thus  George  was  cut  off  from  the  congregation.  As  his 
father  would  not  avoid  the  outcast  "like  a  heathen  and  a 
publican,"  Francis  permitted  the  brotherhood  to  pass  the 
same  sentence  upon  the  gray-haired  man.  The  difference 
between  George  and  the  father's  excommunication  is  shown 
in  John  Smyth's  "  Paralles,  Censures  and  Observations, 
1609:  "If  Mr.  Johnson  pronounced  excommunication 
against  his  brother  and  if  the  church  excommunicated  the 
father. ' '  Many  of  the  brethren  vainly  attempted  to  prevent 
this  excommunication  and  in  vain,  did  the  Reformed  minis- 
ters intercede.  Francis  persisted  obstinately  until  the  death 
of  his  father,  sending  him  down  to  the  grave  with  a  curse, 
as  if  it  were  engraving  the  sentence  of  excommunication 
upon  his  father's  tomb.  (See  E.  Pagitt,  "  Heresiography," 
page  51). 

Who  shall  dare  to  approve  of  Francis'  conduct  ?  On  the 
other  hand,  who  shall  pronounce  the  sentence  of  condemna- 
tion against  him,  definitively  without  reserve?  Perhaps, 
it  was  with  a  bleeding  heart  that  he  pronounced  his  ana- 
thema. Perhaps,  it  hung  heavy  on  his  hands  to  sacrifice 
his  filial  affection  to  what  he  considered  to  be  his  solemn 
duty  :  the  maintenance  of  a  strict  church-discipline,  which 


72  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

he  supposed  the  Lord  himself  had  commanded.  Perhaps, 
the  man,  from  whom  we  turn  aside  with  aversion,  deserves 
our  regard,  at  least  our  pity,  for  being  true  to  his  principles. 

For  the  accounts  given  of  the  whole  affair,  George's 
writing  is  our  sole  source,  and  this  is  tinged  with  partiality. 
It  must,  undoubtedly,  be  considered  as  creditable  to 
Francis,  that  Ainsworth,  the  only  moderate  one  among  all 
these  hot-brained  persons,  was  always  on  his  side,  and, 
though  with  charity,  was  opposed  to  George.  Even  of 
Francis'  wife,  who  was  the  primary  cause  of  all  these  con- 
flicts, a  fervent  pious,  strict,  and  scrupulous  man,  who  had 
known  her  for  a  long  time,  testified,  ten  years  later,  that 
she  was  a  pious,  modest,  respectable  woman,  well  fitted  to 
be  a  pastor's  help-meet  and  assistant.  If  anyone,  she  would 
have  been  taught  by  experience.  Advancing  in  life,  she 
might,  too,  have  changed  her  habits. 

Here  is  the  light,  that  pierces  the  gloom,  cast  by  these 
deplorable  conflicts.  In  the  midst  of  these  shadows,  it  is 
not  all  darkness.  True,  the  most  impure  passions  are  seen 
stirring  and  at  work  there  :  envy  and  rancor,  stubbornness 
that  never  will  confess  offences,  not  even  in  the  case  of 
invectives  uttered  against  a  sister  ;  and  withal  a  love  of 
power  unscrupulous  in  the  means  of  attaining  its  end. 

Yet,  whoever  is  not  diverted  by  what  is  before  his  eyes 
and  seeks  deeper  to  penetrate  the  springs  of  actions,  dis- 
cerns also  here,  his  own  activity  to  shame,  a  sacred  zeal  to 
preserve  the  church  from  corruption,  a  pious  scrupulousness 
that  regards  the  pride  of  the  world  as  a  horror  for  the 
children  of  God  ;  a  strong  religious  life  of  all,  devoted  to 
the  promotion  of  every  one's  salvation. 


CHAPTER    XI 
Opposition  from  Without 

A  FTER  these  turbulent  times,  which  had  lasted  fully 
-^—^  eight  years  the  exiles  found  comparative  peace. 
Yet  they  still  met  with  numerous  difficulties,  which,  how- 
ever, were  not  rooted  in  their  own  circle.  These  entered 
from  without. 

First  of  all,  Francis  Johnson  was  enlisted  in  a  quarrel 
with  Henry  Jacob,  with  whom  in  England  he  had  had 
some  diversity  of  opinion. 

In  1596,  Henry  Jacob  was  first  pastor  at  Cheriton,  Kent, 
and  afterwards  of  Johnson's  old  congregation  at  Middel- 
burg.  Being  a  true  Puritan,  but  condemning  the  Separatist's 
practice,  he  was  a  staunch  opposer  of  the  Brownists.  At 
the  desire  of  one  Daniel  Buck,  he  argued  with  Francis 
Johnson,  then  still  in  prison  that  it  was  the  duty  of  any 
member  of  the  Church  of  England,  however  convinced  of 
its  corruptions  he  might  be,  not  to  separate  from  it. 

Both  Jacob  and  Johnson  alike  were  able  debaters.  From 
several  passages  of  Scripture  Johnson  shows  Henry  Jacob 
his  error,  that  the  true  church  of  Christ  could  consist  of 
men  of  all  conditions,  as  well  the  good  as  the  wicked  ones, 
and  that  Jesus  had  taught  this  clearly  in  the  parable  of  the 
tares  of  the  field  (Matthew  XIII :38).  The  field  means 
here  the  world,  says  Johnson,  and  not  the  congregation. 

Johnson  makes  the  following  objections  to  the  Church  of 
England  :  the  discipline  being  scandalously  neglected  ;  the 
sacraments  administered  to  unworthy  persons  ;  the  civil 
magistrate  expected  to  reform  ecclesiastical  abuses  and  as 
long  as  he  does  not  interfere,  these  corruptions  are  suffered  ; 
set  forms  substituted  for  prayers  coming  straight  from  the 
heart  ;  laws  obeyed  ;  worldly  traditions  approved  ;  offices 
appointed,  of  which  in  the  gospel  one  does  not  read  ;  their 


74  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

dignitaries  allowed  to  possess  temporal  authority  ;  to  collect, 
like  Jewish  and  Popish  priests,  tithes,  and,  at  their  pleasure, 
to  compel  inferior  clerg}^  to  desert  their  flock.  The  condi- 
tion of  things  furnished  sufficient  motives  for  avoiding  these 
false  prophets,  to  refuse  receiving  the  consecrated  sacra- 
ments out  of  the  hands  of  these  priests,  and  to  cut  off  all 
connection  with  a  so  deeply  corrupted  and  unchristian 
church. 

Johnson,  further,  declares  that,  though  Henry  Jacob  may 
agree  with  him  in  thinking  that  the  confiscation  of  ecclesi- 
astical property  by  the  State  would  be  to  the  honor  of  God, 
to  the  wide  diffusion  of  the  sacred  scriptures  and  peace  of 
the  church,  he  and  all  so-called  Reformists  would  protest 
against  it,  if  the  stkte  should  spend  these  funds  on  schools, 
universities,  hospitals,  places  of  worship,  on  the  relief  of 
widows,  orphans  or  foreigners  in  distress,  and  would  con- 
sider it  almost  sacrilegious,  should  anybody  else  than  he 
with  his  partisans  receive  them. 

It  was  not  until  three  years  later,  in  1599,  that  Henry 
Jacob,  then  at  Middelburg,  published  his  answer,  entitled  : 
"A  defence  of  the  churches  and  ministry  of  England. 
Written  in  two  treatises  against  the  reasons  and  objections 
of  Mr.  F.  Johnson  and  others  of  the  separation  commongly 
called  Brownists.  Published  especially  for  the  benefit  of 
those  in  these  parts  of  the  Low  Countries.  Middelburgh  by 
Richard  Schilders,  1599,"  4"'.  9i  pages. 

As  early  as  1600,  Francis  Johnson  made  rejoinder  by 
putting  into  print,  with  many  additions,  what  he  had  pre- 
viously written.  This  quarto  volume  of  217  pages  was  en- 
titled ;  "  An  answer  to  Mr.  Henry  Jacob.  His  defence  of 
the  churches  and  ministers  of  England,"  1600,  4",  XXVIII 
pages,  to  which  was  apended  :  "An  Answer  to  Mr.  H. 
Jacob,  his  Treatise  Concerning  the  Priests  of  the  Church  of 
England,"  etc.,  220  pages. 

This  paper  warfare,  apart  from  the  consequences,  shows 


Opposition  from  Without  75 

that  Henry  Jacob  persevered  in  his  opposition  to  Johnson 
and  the  Brownists,  and  that  he  was  not  convinced  by  their 
written  refutations.-'' 

This  polemic  literature  shows  us  also  that  Francis  John- 
son and  his  associates  did  not  lose  heart.  While  in  Holland 
they  were  continually  harrassed  by  their  own  countrymen. 
The  Dutch  Reformed  did  not  recognize  their  congregation 
as  a  church. 

Yet  these  homesick  Free  Churchmen  did  not  despair. 
Living  in  the  Republic  as  foreigners,  they  were  desirous 
and  cherished  the  hope  of  returning  to  England.  At  the 
death  of  Elizabeth,  March  24,  1603,  and  on  the  accession  of 
James  the  First,  the  end  of  their  excitement,  they  thought, 
could  not  be  distant  and  their  hope  soon  be  fulfiled. 

James  the  First,  when  still  King  of  Scotland,  had  always 
called  the  Puritans  his  friends.  Even  during  the  lifetime 
of  Elizabeth,  he  had  considered  London  and  all  principal 
towns  of  England,  because  of  their  Puritan  majority,  to  be 
well  disposed  towards  him.  No  wonder,  then,  that  the 
monarch  was  now  overwhelmed  with  petitions  from  those 
who  had  so  long  been  oppressed. 

Francis  Johnson  and  his  partisans  were  among  the  fore- 
most petitioners.  Probably  he  and  Ainsvvorth  in  person 
carried  over  the  address.  They  did  homage  to  the  King  as 
their  lawful  monarch,  declaring  that  they  adhered  to  the 
true  doctrines  of  the  gospel,  according  to  the  tenets  of  the 
Church  of  England,  while  averse  to  the  antichristian 
hierarchy,  the  corruptions  in  the  public  worship  and  the 
receiving  of  unworthy  members.  They  sent  in  their  Con- 
fession of  Faith  of  1596,  in  order  that  the  King  might  be 
well  informed  that  they  were  unjustly  persecuted  by  the 
prelates.     They  asked  that  they  might  be  granted  the  priv- 

*In  his  "Congregationalism,"  1880,  page  635,  Dr.  H.  M.  Dexter 
misstates  the  contrary.  Not  until  1610,  under  the  influence  of 
Parker,  Ames  and  Robinson,  did  Henry  Jacob  change  his  opinion. 


76  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

ilege  of  returning  to   their  country  and  to  walk  peacefully 
in  the  faith  of  the  gospel. 

To  these,  their  prayers,  no  answer  was  returned.  A 
second  address,  embodying  the  points  of  differences  with 
the  Church  of  England,  in  fourteen  articles  had  no  better 
success. 

In  a  third  effort,  they  appended  a  very  extensive  explan- 
ation and  a  confirmation  of  the  proposed  articles,  with 
references  to  Scripture. 

This  time  they  were  favoured  with  an  answer.  Through 
the  mediation  of  an  eminent  person,  they  were  invited  to 
lay  before  the  King  a  condensed  statement  of  their  wishes. 
The  former  communication  had  covered  no  fewer  than  forty 
quarto  pages. 

They  responded  promptly,  for  the  task  was  easy.  Their 
sole  wish  was  to  be  recalled  from  their  exile.  At  the  same 
time,  they  demanded  that,  should  the  king  think  it  advis- 
able to  confer  with  their  opponents  on  the  various  points  of 
dispute,  he  might  inform  these  of  their  arguments  and  him- 
self preside  at  the  proceedings. 

It  was  all  in  vain  !  On  June  9  the  University  of  Cam- 
bridge issued  a  sharp  resolution  to  confute  their  assertions 
in  regard  to  the  ecclesiastical  estates.  This  resolution  was 
passed  by  scarcely  one-third  part  of  the  senate,  among 
whom  was  not  a  single  doctor  of  divinity,  except  the  violent 
anti-puritan  vice-chancellor. 

Oxford  now  followed  with  "The  Answer  of  the  vice- 
chancellor,  the  Doctors,  both  the  Proctors  and  others,  the 
heads  of  houses  in  the  University  of  Oxford  to  the  humble 
petition,  1603." 

This  answer  of  thirty-two  quarto  pages,  in  which,  Octo- 
ber 7,  the  sister-university  fully  concurred,  unfairly  reviled 
the  exiles.  The  Brownists  found  now  that  all  their  hopes 
were  over  though  seventeen  days  afterward  King  James 
consented    to  a  disputation    between    the  prelates  and    the 


Opposition  from  Without  77 

Puritans.  By  the  same  resolution,  His  Majesty,  first 
promised  that  the  Church  of  England  was  constituted 
according  to  the  gospel  and  to  the  primitive  Christian  con- 
gregation, and  that  its  present  condition  was  highly  credit- 
able to  Its  rulers. 

England's  ruler  had  now  thrown  off  mask  and  di.sguise 
forever.  Henceforth  he  was  inexorable,  the  cruel  toofof  a 
priesthood,  that  flattered  him  fulsomely,  and  exactly  in  that 
manner  ruled  him  according  to  their  will 

Ha^T   n  '   '^'^P'"^"™-    held   January  14,  ,6  and  18  at 
Hampton  Court  was  a  mere  sham,  not  a  single  Puritan  was 
to  be  present.     The   King,  in  a  Latin  speech  of   his  own 
jeered  at  all  who  differed  with  him  in  opinion.     mZ!n 
expressed  the  amiable  wish  that  those  who  disapproved  of 

breechesi  '"''         '"'""'  '"  '°°«  ™"'  "■=-  '-">-  <™» 
Sufficient  reasons,  these,  for  the  eighteen  bishops  around 

hmi,  to  protest,  on  their  knees,*  that  his  Majesty  undoul^ 

edly  spoke  by  the  special  assistance  of  God's  spirit  1 

Of  these  events  Hallam,  in  his  -  Constitutional  History  " 

vol.  I,  page  404,  says:-- we  are  alternately  struck  with 

Td  arthl  ^V  ";T"  '""  •'""^'  '^^-"--of  "-  ki4 

o   the  custom  of  servile  natures,  with  insolence   towards 
their  opponents."  towjrus 

Had  that  same  spirit  perhaps  also  to  do  with  the  King's 
command  issued  March  5,  to  maintain  by  force  when  need 
requ.res     uniformity   in  worship   and   in   the   use   of     he 
Prayer-book  ;  with  prohibition  of  all  attempts  to  prevail  01 
h  n      o  depart    from   his  resolution  ;  with    turning  out  o 
Christ  s  service,  ,n  about  one  year,  three   hundred  minis 
!!!liI!dZ!'li^!^!!^^ng^^shops  m  their  excommuni- 

czn  Review,  for  JaMary  ,9™.-lfD  '         "^  ""=  '^'"^''  '^""•■'- 


78  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

cation,  March  19  aud  20,  of  every  one  who  dared  deny  the 
Church  of  England  to  be  a  true,  apostolic  church,  or  to 
separate  from  it  and  form  distinct  assemblies  ? 

The  exiles  were  now  in  despair.  They  no  longer 
expected  to  return  to  their  country.  They  again  addressed 
the  King  a  lengthy  writing  of  one  hundred  eighteen  quarto 
pages,  entitled: — "An  apology  or  defense  of  such  Chris- 
tians as  are  commonly  (but  unjustly)  called  Brownists, 
against  such  imputations  as  are  laid  upon  them  by  the 
Heads  and  Doctors  of  the  University  of  Oxford  in  their 
"  answer  to  the  humble  petition,  Jeremiah  VI,  i  p.,  Phil. 
Ill,  2,   1604." 

There  are  two  copies  of  this  work  in  the  British  Museum. 
An  extremely  scarce  Dutch  translation  of  it,  dated  16 12, 
contains  all  the  above-mentioned  petitions  and  explana- 
tions. They  signed  the  Apology  as  "overseers,  deacons 
and  brethren  of  the  English  Church  at  Amsterdam  in  the 
Netherlands  exiled  for  Christ's  Gospel's  Sake." 

This  address  was  the  joint  production  of  Francis  Johnson 
and  Ainsworth,  though  it  should  be  observed  that  later  edi- 
tions, as  is  the  case  with  the  Dutch  one  of  1680,  are  gener- 
ally subscribed  with  Ainsvvorth's  name  alone,  probably  be- 
cause he  was  the  principal  author. 

Meanwhile  the  exiled  George  Johnson  gathered  around 
him  some  of  his  partisans  and  became  their  pastor.  Yet 
success  did  not  crown  his  efforts.  This  is  clearly  shown 
by  his  application  to  Domine  Plancius  to  admit  him  and  his 
followers  to  the  Reformed  Church.  His  request  was  laid 
before  the  Reformed  Consistory,  June  28,  1603,  but  by  the 
ministers  Plancius  and  Halsbergius,  was  rejected  (see  Pro- 
tocol III,  folio  98.) 

George  Johnson  now  addressed  himself  to  Hugh  Brough- 
ton,  who  happened  to  be  in  Ansterdam  about  that  time. 

Hugh  Broughton,  born  1549,  was  a  man  of  great  learn- 
ing but  of  little  judgment,   very  irritable  and  pedantic,  a 


Opposition  from  Without  79 

dogmatic  zealot,  coarse  aud  rude  in  his  polemics,  a  Puritan, 
but  still  adhering  to  the  Church  of  England— in  conse- 
quence of  his  hatred  towards  the  Brownists.  The  title  of 
his  works,  edited  in  1662  by  John  Lightfoot,  reads  : — "  The 
works  of  the  Great  Albanian  Divine,  renowned  in  many 
Nations  for  rare  skill  in  Salem's  and  Athen's  Tongues  and 
familiar  acquaintance  with  all  Rabbinical  Learning  !  " 

Broughton  acquired  a  certain  degree  of  reputation  by 
maintaining,  in  opposition  to  the  opinion  of  the  Church  of 
England,  that  Christ  should  have  descended  into  hell, 
Calvin's  interpretation,  who  justly  understood  the  Hades 
to  be  the  nether- world  or  the  region  of  the  dead. 

With  a  view  to  inform  King  James,  he  was  occupied  at 
that  time  with  his  book  "  An  advertisement  of  corruption 
in  our  handling  of  religion,  1604,"  published  in  1605,  con- 
taining one  hundred  twelve  quarto  pages. 

It  must  have  been  gratifying  for  a  man  of  his  stamp  that 
George  Johnson,  the  exiled  Brownist,  had  recourse  to  him. 
Supposing  that  experience  had  taught  his  countrymen  to 
be  submissive,  he  advised  George  to  return  to  England. 
He  even  gave  him  a  letter  of  introduction  to  the  Bishop  of 
Durham. 

Results  were  quite  otherwise.  No  sooner  did  George 
Johnson  get  back  to  his  country,  than  he  paraded  again  his 
former  objections  against  the  Church  of  England.  For 
this  he  was  committed  to  prison.  Then  [he  became  ill  and 
died  before  judgment  was  passed  upon  him. 

Hugh  Broughton  reported  afterwards:  "  George  John- 
son, for  whom  I  wrote  to  the  Bishop  of  Durham,  that  I 
thought  him  tractable,  and  desired  that  he  might  be  suffered 
to  come  hither,  was  accused  of  turning  the  subjects  from 
obedience,  upon  contempt  of  our  churches,  and  is  dead." 

Francis  Johnson  wrote  in  1606  ("  Inquiry  and  Answer," 
page  61)  of  his  brother:  "he  did  not,  like  as  this  man, 
(Thomas  White)  leave  or   contrary  our  general   cause  and 


80  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

testimony  against  tlie  Church  of  England  ;  he  was  there 
taken  and  put  in  prison  for  this  cause,  where  he  died  under 
their  hands  ;"  and,  a  few  lines  higher  :  "it  pleased  God  to 
visit  him  with  sickness  that  he  died." 

Assuredly,  it  was  for  the  most  part  to  his  book  on  the 
controversaries  in  the  congregation  of  the  Brownists,  that 
George  Johnson  owed  Broughton  favorable  opinion  respect- 
ing him.  In  the  bitterness  of  his  grudge  George  Johnson 
had  this  book  published  before  it  was  half  finished. 

This  action  of  George  Johnson,  formerly  considered  as 
one  of  its  members,  was  very  grievous  for  the  Brownist  con- 
gregation. Not  less  violent,  was  the  conflict  arising  some 
time  after.  Ainsworth  was  attacked  by  Hugh  Broughton, 
and  Francis  Johnson  by  Thomas  White. 

In  consequence  of  a  cursory  remark  of  Broughton,  in  his 
"  Advertisement  of  corruption  in  our  handling  of  religion," 
Ainsworth  defended  the  usual  interpretation  of  Exodus 
XXVIII:6  and  XXXIX:2,3.  It  irritated  Broughton  to 
such  a  degree  that  he  charged  Ainsworth,  who,  according 
to  the  professors  of  the  University  of  Leyden,  "  had  not  his 
better  for  the  Hebrew  tongue  and  had  an  excellent  gift  for 
opening  the  Scriptures,"  without  understanding  a  single 
word  of  Hebrew,  nor  being  able  to  expound  a  line  of  the 
New  Testament.  Broughton  now  availed  himself  of  this 
occasion  to  call  the  Brownist  Church  :  "a  Synagogue  of 
Satan,"  on  account  of  their  opinion  as  to  the  use  of  former 
Roman  Catholic  Churches  ;  on  forms  of  prayers  ;  and  on 
church  discipline. 

Ainsworth  made  answer  to  this  attack  in  a  lengthy  writ- 
ing, published  in  1605  by  Francis  Blackwell,  an  elder  of  his 
church.  Its  title  runs:  "Certain  questions  concerning: 
I,  Silk  or  Wool  in  the  Highpriest's  Ephod.  2  Idol  Tem- 
ples Commonly  Called  Churches.  3,  The  Form  of  Prayer 
Commonly  Called  The  Lord's  Prayer.  4,  Excommunica- 
tion, etc..  Handled  between  Mr.  Hugh  Broughton,  remain- 


Opposition  from  Without  81 

ing  of  late  at  Amsterdam  in  the  Low  Countries,  and  Mr. 
Henry  Ainsworth,  Teacher  of  the  Exiled  English  Church 
at  Amsterdam  aforesaid."  i  Thess  V  21,  1605,  4'",  IV 
and  40  pages. 

This  elicited  Broughton's  rejoinder,  entitled:  "An  ad- 
monition to  Mr.  Francis  Blackwell,  one  of  the  Company  of 
Amsterdam,"  etc.  (See  Broughton's  Works,  page  722). 
From  this  title  it  appears  that  the  book  was  published  by 
Francis  Blackwell  and  not  by  Francis  Bright,  as  Brook,  in 
his  "  Puritans,"  Vol.  Ill  page  518  suggests. 

Ainsworth  made  rebuttal  under  the  title  :  "  An  answer 
to  the  Articles  of  Unlearnedness  objected  to  me  by  Mr. 
Broughton."  His  defence  is  written  in  a  dignified  style, 
which  is  now  and  then  trenchant,  yet  indeed  gentle  and 
moderate,  when  contrasted  with  Broughton's  invectives. 

This  is  all  the  more  to  the  praise  of  Ainsworth  because 
just  about  that  time  a  scheme  was  formed,  more  dangerous 
for  Ainsworth  and  his  church,  than  any  former  measure  of 
the  magistrate  ever  had  been.  Perhaps — the  supposition 
at  least  is  rather  obvious — this  scheme  was  contrived  by 
Broughton  and  prepared  by  Matthew  Slade,  mentioned  pre- 
viously, who,  according  to  the  records  of  the  Consistory, 
had  now  already  been  promoted  from  sub-rector  to  rector 
of  the  grammar  school. 

This  apostate  Brownist  laid.  May  5,  1605,  a  complaint 
before  the  Consistory  of  the  Dutch  Reformed  Church,  on 
account  of  several  "  ill  handlings  "  of  the  Brownists  living 
here  in  Amsterdam,  which  handlings  were  partly  contrary 
to  the  authority  of  the  magistrates  and  the  obedience  which 
all  subjects  are  due  to  them,  and  partly'  fatal  to  God's  Re- 
formed Church.      (Protocol  III  folio  128). 

The  Consistory  now  resolved  on  conferring  upon  this 
matter  with  the  Walloon  Consistory,  as  both  these  bodies 
had  always  acted  in  common  with  regard  to  the  Brownists. 
Three  deputies  were  nominated,  who  met  with  those  of  the 


82  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

Walloons,  and  sent  for  Rector  Slade  on  the  ist  of  June. 
But  though  the  so-called  "  ill  handlings  "  referred  to  "la 
grande  confusion  et  desordre  qui  se  void  en  ce  qui  concerne 
le  marriage  et  I'excommunicatiou  "  (Actes  du  consistoire 
de  "Eglise  Wallone,  I  May  1605),  that  is,  to  the  aversion 
of  the  Brovvnists  to  celebrate  their  marriages  in  the  Re- 
formed Churches  and  to  their  execution  of  excommunica- 
tion, the  real  purpose  of  Slade  was  soon  unmasked. 

He  wrote  that  :  "  there  were  here  in  this  town  (Amster- 
dam) a  great  many  Englishmen  who  did  not  understand 
the  Dutch  language  and  for  that  reason  entreated  to  be 
assisted  in  the  formation  of  a  Reformed  English  Church, 
uniform  in  doctrine  and  government  to  the  other  Reformed 
churches  in  Holland.  The  complaint  put  in  beforehand,  as 
the  words  :  "  uniform  in  doctrine  and  government  showed 
clearly  enough,  against  whom  this  measure  was  directed." 

Of  course,  the  erection  of  such  a  church  would  be  most 
derogatory  to  the  Brownists.  Nor  was  it  less  visible  who 
was  concealed  behind  this  all,  when,  a  few  months  after,  as 
soon  as  the  burgomasters  favored  the  plan,  it  was  reported 
that  Hugo  Broughtonus  had  been  highly  recommended  to 
the  burgomasters  for  the  service  of  such  a  congregation 
(Protocol  III  folio  184). 

It  is  further  observable  that,  entirely  distinct  from  that  of 
the  Brownists,  there  existed  already  in  1597  a  congregation 
of  Englishmen  in  Amsterdam,  having  Henoch  Clapham  as 
pastor.  From  the  title  of  his  "  Theological  axioms  or  con- 
clusions," published  in  that  same  year,  it  appears  that  these 
were  "  publikly  controverted,  discussed  and  concluded  by 
that  poore  English  congregation  in  Amsterdam,  to  whom 
Henoch  Clapham  for  the  present  administereth  the  Gospel." 

The  Walloons  had  wisely  refrained  from  all  further  in- 
tervention. Their  opinion  was  that  they  ought  not  to  have 
anything  more  to  do  with  the  Brownists,  who  had  better 
bring  their  complaints,  established  by  precise  proofs,  to  the 
magistrate. 


Opposition  from  Without  83 

In  the  records  of  the  Walloon  Consistory,  May  9,  1605, 
we  read  :  "la  compagnie  a  inge  qu'il  nestoit  pas  expedient 
d'en  conferer  avec  les  susdits  Brownists,  mais  estirae  neces- 
saire,  que  les  exemples  de  leurs  desorders  sayent  represeuter 
a  messieurs  les  Bourguemaistres  parcent,  qui  ont  fait  leur 
plainte  de  telles  choses." 

But  even  the  Dutch  Reformed  got  little  good  from  these 
measures  of  theirs.  Bronghton  left  Amsterdam  within  a 
month,  and  repaired  to  Middelburg.  See  Protocol  III  folio 
136,  November  17,  1605.  Three  years  elapsed  before  the 
Presbyterian  Congregation  was  established  (in  Amsterdam). 
For  the  present  the  danger  threatening  the  Brownists  was 
averted. 

It  would  have  turned  out  quite  otherwise  if  the  design  to 
call  Thomas  White,  after  Broughton's  departure,  had  been 
successful.  The  British  merchants,  agreeing  with  Slade, 
would,  however,  have  nothing  to  do  with  him,  [White]. 
According  to  the  Protocol  III,  folio  141,  March  9,  1606, 
Jonas  Thomassen,  Ritsaert  Auwen  and  Jonas  Harwan, 
British  merchants,  appeared  before  the  Consistory  and  de- 
clared that  the  British  merchants  were  not  inclined  to  call 
Mr.  Thomas  Weyt,  and  consequently  requested  that  another 
able  minister,  having  the  required  qualifications,  should  be 
called. 

The  only  ground  on  which  White  was  recommended  by 
the  Reformed  Consistory,  must  have  been  his  most  vigorious 
invective  against  the  Brownists,  published  a  short  time  be- 
fore under  the  title  of  "  A  discoverie  of  Brownism  ;  or  a 
briefe  Declaration  of  some  of  the  Errors  and  Abominations 
daily  practised  and  increased  among  the  English  Company 
of  the  Separation,  remayning,  for  the  present,  at  Amster- 
dam in  Holland.  Proverbs  XVI:29  London  1605,"  VI, 
30  pages  quarto.     An  unworthy  attack  by  a  renegade. 

In  fact,  Thomas  White,  of  the  County  of  Wiltshire,  had 
separated  from  the  Church  of  England  with  a  most  tren- 


84  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

chant,  parting  letter,  dated  February  25,  1603,  and  not 
1604  (as  Hanbury,  most  likely  mistaking  it  for  Old  Style, 
states  in  his  "  Memorials  "  page  108.) 

White  embraced  Brovvnism  and  repaired  with  twelve  or 
thirteen  fellow-believers  to  Amsterdam.  He  immediately 
joined  there  the  Brownists,  though  he  with  his  fellow- 
travellers  continued  to  keep  together  in  one  distinct  body. 
He  assigned  as  a  reason  for  his  action  that  they  knew  each 
other  better  than  they  did  the  Amsterdam  members,  and 
that  it  was  rather  desirable  to  form  several  congregations. 
But  Francis  Johnson  suspected  him  and  his  friend  Thomas 
Fowell  of  keeping  aloof,  because  they  wanted  to  remain 
their  own  masters  and  not  to  be  subjected  to  him  as  their 
pastor. 

Be  this  as  it  may,  during  ten  weeks.  White  enjoyed  at 
Johnson's  house  the  most  liberal  hospitality.  In  April, 
1604,  he  married  an  English  woman  named  Rose  Grempre, 
widow  of  John  Philips.  She  was  probably  not  a  Brownist, 
but  a  member  of  the  Church  of  England,  to  which  may  be 
attributed  the  fact  that  White,  as  soon  as  he  returned  with 
her  to  England,  suddenly  reverted  to  that  church  and 
changed  his  opinions. 

White  now  repaid  the  Brownists'  civilities  with  the  most 
indelicate  reproaches  and  vulgar  imputations  in  the  afore- 
said printed  invective.  He  not  only  tried  to  hurt  as  much 
as  possible  the  feelings  of  his  host  and  benefactor  Johnson, 
by  revealing  again,  what  had  happened  with  Johnson's 
father,  and  by  ridiculing  the  moderation  of  his  silence  at 
the  insults  offered  him  by  his  late  brother  George,  but  he 
even  called  the  deacons  thieves  and  the  elders  lewdsters. 
He  apologizes  for  the  rudeness  of  the  style  of  his  pamphlet, 
with  the  words  : — "  Being  but  newly  arrived." 

White  further  says  (page  25): — "These  that  pretend 
such  sincerity  of  Religion,  do  abound  above  others  with  all 
kinds  of  debate,  malice,  adulteries,  cozenage,  uncleanesse, 


Opposition  from  Without  85 

so  that  W(illiam)  C(lerck)  complained,  that  he  thought, 
that  they  had  been  all  saints,  but,  I  see,  they  are  all  devils." 

As  William  Clerck  continued  member  of  the  Browuist 
Church,  it  is  obvious  that  this  complaint  should  not  have 
been  taken  seriously. 

Against  these  imputations  the  Brownists  had  no  other 
antidote  than  laying  a  complaint  before  the  magistrate,  but 
in  vain.  White  represented  that  his  pamphlet  had  been 
printed  by  order  of  the  highest  church  dignitaries.  At  the 
end  of  the  preface  to  Francis  Johnson's  "  Inquiry  and 
Answer,"  we  read  :  — "  But  thus  is  he  the  fitter  servant  for 
his  masters  the  Prelates,  by  whose  authority  he  pleaded 
here,  before  the  magistrate,  that  his  book  was  printed." 

Just  about  that  time,  the  first  month  of  1606,  it  had  been 
reported  to  the  King  of  England,  that  English  exiles  in 
Holland  were  shamefully  abusing  the  freedom  of  the  press 
by  printing  books  and  libels  of  a  most  dangerous  kind.  In 
consequence  of  this,  the  king  directed  Archbishop  Bancroft 
to  make  Ambassador,  Sir  Noel  Caron,  give  his  attention  to 
it,  in  order  to  provide  a  remedy.  How  very  sensible  of  the 
publication  of  such  pamphlets  the  English  government  was, 
is  seen  in  1619  when  Ambassador  Carleton,  on  his  own 
authority,  instituted  close  inquiry  concerning  William 
Brewster,*  a  Brownist  and  printer  at  Leyden.    Carleton  had 

*"  July  22,  1619.  One  W.  Brewster,  a  Brownist,  hath  been  for  some 
years  an  inhabitant  and  printer  at  Leyden  but  now  within  three 
weeks  removed  from  thence  and  gone  back  to  dwell  in  London, 
where  he  may  be  found  out  and  examined,  not  onl}-  of  his  book  :  .  .  . , 
but  likewise  of :  Perth'  Assembly,  of  which  if  he  was  not  the  printer 
himself,  he  assuredly  knows  both  the  printer  and  author  ;  for,  as  I 
am  informed,  he  hath  had,  whilst  he  remained  here,  his  hand  in  all 
such  books  as  have  been  sent  over  into  England  and  Scotland  ;  as 
particularly  a  book  in  folio,  entitled  ....  was  printed  by  him.  So 
was  another  in  iS'  .  .  .  .  of  which  I  send  your  honor  the  title  page  ; 
and  if  you  will  compare  that,  which  is  underlined  therein,  with  the 
other  :— you  will  find  it  the  same  character,  and  the  one  being  con- 
fessed (as  that  ....  Brewster  doth  openly  avow)  the  other  cannot 
well  be  denied. 

Sept.  12. — In  my  last  I  advertised  your  honor  that  Brewster  was 
taken  at  Leyden,  which  proved  an  error,  in  that  the  Schout,  who  was 
employed  by  the  magiatrates  for  his  apprehension,  being  a  dull 
drunken  fellow,  took  one  man  for  another." 


86  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

both  his  types  and  the  whole  number  of  copies  at  Leyden 
seized  and  apprehended  his  assistant. 'J^  To  a  similar  meas- 
ure of  the  English  Ambassador,  in  1591  at  Middelburg,  we 
have  adverted  before. 

No  wonder  that  the  Amsterdam  magistrates,  after  such 
sharp  exhortations  from  a  superior  authority, *^'^  durst  not, a 
few  days  after,  prosecute  the  slanderer.  A  welcome  way 
out  was  found.  The  complaint  was  made  in  the  name  of 
the  congregation  by  its  complete  board  ;  but  as  the  com- 
pany of  the  Brownists  had  never  been  acknowledged  by  the 
magistrates  as  a  legal  congregation,  their  request  could 
consequently  not  be  admitted.  The  records  or  resolutions 
of  the  Amsterdam  burgomasters,  preserved  in  the  Municipal 
Offices  of  Amsterdam,  give  no  intimation  of  it.  The  appli- 
cation was  signed  by  all  known  persons,  except  by  Mercer, 
Kniveton  and  Bresto,  who  were  replaced  by  Francis  Black- 
well  and  William  Barbons.  It  was  also  signed  by  the 
deaconesses  Jane  Nicolas  and  Judith  Holder. 

After  this  disappointment  Francis  Johnson  took  up  the 
pen  once  more  in  his  own  defense.  This  writing  and  per- 
haps also  his  republishing  in  1605  of  the  book  of  Barrovve 
and  Greenwood,  awoke  the  anger  of  this  Bishop  of  London. 
Tnis  prelate  having  the  English  ecclesiastical  mind  of  that 
period — printing  not  being  free  in  England,  as  in  the  Dutch 
Republic,  imagined  that  this  writing  and  all  books  pub- 
lished by  the  Free  Churchmen  called  Brownists  were  not 
only  licen.sed  but  also  approved  by  the  Dutch  magistrates. 

He  was  delighted  to  be  better  informed  by  the  deputies 
of  the  Dutch  at  Eondon,  when  these  particulars  were  com- 

*See  the  full  account  of  this  in  the  article  by  the  editor  "  The  New 
England  Magazine,  entitled  "The  Pilgrim  Press  in  Choir  Alley,  and 
in  his  Young  Peoples'  History  of  the  Pilgrims,  1920. — Ed. 

**The  power  of  the  British  envo}-  in  the  Republic  is  understood, 
when  we  remember  that  the  British  and  Dutch  were  allies  in  the  war 
for  Dutch  independence  against  Spain  and  Sir  Dudley  Carleton  sat  in 
the  Raad  van  State,  or  Supreme  Council  of  the  Netherlands. — Ed. 


Opposition  from  Without  87 

municated  in  a  letter  of  that  Church  (in  Austin  Friars  and 
still  existing)  to  the  Consistory  of  the  Reformed  Church  in 
Amsterdam  (Protocol  III,  fol.  146,  January  8,  1606.) 

Francis  Johnson  could  not  prevent  the  misrepresentations 
of  White  and  his  co-workers  being  credited,  by  many  in 
England.  For  many  years  afterwards  these  slanders  found 
willing  ears  and  were  continually  spread.  Most  of  them 
are  enumerated  in  C.  Hutton's  book  "  The  prophane  Schism 
of  the  Brownists  or  Separatists  with  the  impiety,  dissen- 
sions, lewd  and  abominable  vices  of  that  impure  sect,  dis- 
covered by  Christ.  Lawne  and  Robert  Bulward,  lately  re- 
turned unto  the  bosom  of  the  Church  of  England  from  the 
Company  of  Mr.  Johnson,"  161 2. 

Fortunately  this  bitter  conflict  did  not  impair  the  concord 
of  the  congregation.  The  bonds  of  friendship  between  its 
leaders  Francis  Johnson  and  Henry  Ainsworth  were  all  the 
more  tightened.  The  congregation  daily  increased  in  num- 
bers and  strength.  Another  influx  of  fugitives  promised 
the  highest  prosperity,  but,  in  fact,  lighted  the  torch  of 
discord.  Schism  after  schism  was  caused,  many  times 
more  injurious  than  the  congregation  had  already  deplored. 


CHAPTER   XII 
John  Smyth 

TT HADING  these  fugitives  from  the  home  land,  there 
-*--*-  was  among  the  first  comers,  a  certain  John  Smyth, 
born  in  one  of  the  eastern  counties  of  England,  to  the  south 
of  the  Humber  and  the  north  of  the  Wash.  He  studied  at 
Cambridge,  probably  from  1586  till  1593.  There,  Francis 
Johnson  (from  about  1580  student,  and  expelled  from  his 
college,  October  30,  1589,  for  difficulties  with  the  heads  of 
the  University)  was  for  some  time  his  tutor.  Richard 
Bernard,  who  most  likely  entered  there  as  a  student  in 
1 59 1  (the  registers  from  1589  to  1602  are  lost)  became 
Bachelor  in  1595,  and  obtained,  in  1598,  the  degree  of 
Magister  (doctor).  He  was  consequently  a  contemporary 
of  Smyth  and  states  in  the  preface  to  his  ' '  Plain  Evidences, ' ' 
1610,  that  Smyth  was  made  minister  by  Bishop  Wickam — 
a  wrong  spelling  for  Wickham,  who  was  bishop  from  1584 
till  his  death  in  1595.  From  his  later  sentiments,  it  may 
be  concluded  that  he  was  deeply  interested  in  the  contro- 
versies about  predestination,  gratia  universalis  (universal 
grace)  and  perseverantia  sanctorum  (perseverance  of  saints) 
which  at  that  time  convulsed  the  University.  Besides,  by 
the  shallowness  and  pedantry  of  one  student.  Barret,  the 
anti-Calvinistic  sentiments  of  professor  Baro,  called  in  1571 
and  now  deprived  of  his  chair,  were  displayed.  In  the 
meantime,  November  20,  1595,  the  so-called  Lambeth-arti- 
cles, intending  to  embody  the  calvinistic  doctrine  respecting 
predestination,  were  drawn  up. 

Yet  what  part,  either  openly  or  secretly,  Smyth  took  at 
these  conflicts,  and  however  he  might,  perhaps  unwittingly, 
have  imbibed  the  Puritan  views  at  Cambridge,  he  was  not 
prevented  by  them  from  being  shortly  after  ordained  a  min- 
ister of  the  Church  of  England  at  Lincoln.  In  his  "  Plain 
Evidences,"    Richard   Bernard  says  of  him: — "He  was  a 


John  Smyth  89 

subscriber,  a  conformitaut,  and  as  honest  a  man  then,  as 
ever  since,  for  anything  seen  or  heard  hitherto  to  the  con- 
trary :  this  is  evident,  when  first  he  was  made  minister  and 
when  he  was  instituted  into  a  living.  Whether  wholly  a 
conformist,  he  best  knoweth  :  it  is  enough,  that  he  was, 
what  he  was." 

Long  this  burning  zeal,  evidently  the  result  of  the  noblest 
principles,  his  more  than  usual  abilities,  his  peculiar  gift  of 
preaching,  which,  at  a  later  date,  was  even  acknowledged 
by  his  opponents,  were  all  instrumental  in  ranking  him  fore- 
most among  the  most  beloved  preachers.  Bishop  Hall 
places  him  above  Robinson  ;  Baillie  attributes  to  him  emi- 
nent gifts  ;  an  unknown  opponent  calls  him  :  "a  scholar  of 
no  small  reading  and  well  seen  and  experienced  in  arts" 
and  Bradford  describes  him  as  "  a  man  of  able  gifts,  a  good 
preacher  and  of  other  good  parts." 

The  library  of  Emanual  College,  Cambridge,  contains  a 
collection  of  Smyth's  sermons,  entitled  :  ' '  The  bright  morn- 
ing starre  or  the  resolution  and  exposition  of  the  22  Psalms 
preached  publicly  in  foure  sermons  at  Lincolne  by  John 
Smith  preacher  of  the  citie."      Printed  1603,  i6mo. 

The  corruptions  he  detected  in  the  Church  of  England 
tended  constantly  to  turn  his  mind  to  the  opinions  of  the 
Puritans.  He  even  questioned  his  own  conscience  whether 
it  were  not  his  duty  to  lay  down  his  office  and  abandon  for- 
ever the  communion  of  the  Church  of  England.  His  inde- 
cision lasted  nine  months.  In  his  "  Paralleles,  Censures, 
Observations,"  page  128,  he  states  :  "  that  I  doubted  nine 
months  I  acknowledge." 

During  this  period,  perhaps  to  overcome  his  own  doubts, 
he  probably  employed  himself  in  compiling  the  writing  in 
which  he  confuted  the  objections  of  the  Brownists,  with 
whom,  according  to  Neal  ("  Puritans,"  I  p.  374)  the  county 


90  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

near  Lincoln  was  infested,  to  the  use  of  the  Lord's  prayer, 
both  as  such  and  as  the  finality  of  all  prayers. 

No  copy  of  this  composition  seems  to  be  extant  which 
Richard  Bernard  cites  in  his  "  Plaine  Evidences  "  to  them  in 
the  preface  and  also  on  page  i8i  ;  so  that  the  book  must 
have  been  rather  copious. 

As  he  was  writing,  it  occurred  to  Smyth  that  the  Brown- 
ists'  views,  especially  in  regard  to  the  authority  of  the 
bishops,  were  well-founded.  Though  threatened  by  these 
prelates  into  professing  orthodoxy,  he  decided  in  1602,  at 
the  end  of  his  nine  months  of  deliberation,  to  resign  his 
office  and  separate  from  the  Church  of  England  forever. 

Had  not  the  year  of  his  change  of  creed  been  stated  by  so 
reliable  a  witness  as  Nathaniel  Morton,  the  cousin  of 
Governor  Bradford,  we  should,  on  account  of  aforesaid  col- 
lection of  sermons,  rather  think  it  took  place  in  the  year 
following.  Very  soon  Smyth  gained  a  great  many  adher- 
ents, especially  among  the  merchants  in  the  neighboring 
town  of  Gainsborough.  There  be  became  pastor  of  a 
Brownist  congregation. 

At  the  end  of  the  preface  to  his  "  Plain  Evidences," 
Richard  Bernard  writes  :  "he  was  made  minister  by  trades- 
men and  called  himselfe  the  pastour  of  the  Church  of 
Gainsborough."  To  the  "  town  of  Gainsborough  and 
those  there  that  knew  my  footsteps  in  this  matter,",  Smyth 
refers  in  his  "  Paralleles  "  page  128,  when  proving  that 
since  his  change  of  mind  he  never  wavered  in  his  conviction 
as  to  the  necessity  of  his  separation. 

He  now  travelled  all  over  Gainsborough's  environs : 
Austerfield,  Scrooby,  Yorkcastle,  Basford  near  Nottingham 
and  Worksop.  The  circle  of  his  followers  constantly  wid- 
ened. At  the  first  named  places  he  brought  over  to  his 
opinions  William  Brewster,  born  1560,  and  Richard  Clyfton, 
born  1553,  as  J.  Hunter  states  in  his  "The  founders  of  New 


John  Smyth  91 

Plymouth"  page  45=!^  ;  at  Basford  the  couple  Thomas  and 
Jane  Helwys,  who  tenderly  nursed  him  during  his  sickness, 
perhaps  the  first  fit  of  the  disease  of  which  he  died  after- 
wards ;  **  at  Worksop,  Alexander  Hodgkin  and  his  family, 
including  his  daughter  Jane,  afterwards  married  to  John 
Murtou,  a  member  of  the  congregation  at  Gainsborough, 
and  his  former  fellow  student  Richard  Bernard  who  since 
June  19,  1601,  ministered  in  the  English  Church.  Bernard 
had  studied  at  the  expense  of  Sir  George  Saintpoll,  to 
whom  he  dedicated  in  1608  his  "  Christian  Advertisements," 
in  which  dedication  he  says  :  "by  your  works  of  mercie,  in 
the  universitie  was  I  brought  up,  whereby  through  the 
good  grace  of  God  I  am  that  I  am." 

Bernard  regarded  with  envy  the  impression  of  Smyth's 
preaching  upon  his  audience.  To  save  his  own  church 
from  desertion  he  thought  best  to  pretend  to  agree  with 
Smyth's  opinions.  A  hundred  members  of  his  congrega- 
tion he  called  to  a  solemn  celebration  of  the  Lord's  supper, 
on  which  occasion   the  partakers  promised  never  again  to 

*  According  to  this  statement,  obtained  from  family  papers,  Clyfton 
would  have  been  only  55  years  old  when  coming  to  Holland. '  Yet 
Bradford  in  his  "Dialogue,"  page  455,  says  :  "he  was  a  grave  and 
fatherly  old  man,  when  he  came  first  into' Holland,  bearing  a  great 
white  beard,  and  pity  it  was  that  such  a  reverend  old  man  should  be 
forced  to  leave  his  country  and  at  those  years  to  go  into  exile.  "John 
Smyth  was,  moreover,  upbraided  with  opposing  Richard  Clvfton,  as 
being  "a  weake  man,  unable  to  deale  in  so  great  a  controversy." 
Perhaps  he  was,  therefore,  some  ten  years  older  and  the  statement  in 
the  family-papers  may  be  incorrect. 

**  Smyth,  "Retraction  of  errors:" — "All  that  ever  Mr.  Helwys 
can  say  is  that,  when  I  was  sick  in  England  at  Bashforth,  I  was  trou- 
blesome and  chargeable  to  him,  wherein  I  confess  his  kindness,  but  I 
would  have  given  him  satisfaction  and  he  refused  it,  and  in  my  sick- 
ness there  was  so  much  brought  in  as  I  spent."  Smyth  in  his 
"  Paralleles  "  and  Bernard  in  his  "Christian  advent,  p.  38  savs  of 
this  illness:  "a  sickness  nigh  unto  death."  Barclav  "The  Inner 
Life  "  etc.,  page  52  errs  when  presuming  that  Smvth  fell  into  this  dis- 
ease when  committed  to  the  Marchallsea.  A  William  Smvth  was  im- 
prisoned there  in  1593,  but  never  the  John  Smyth  in  question.  Brook 
("Puritans"),  J.  Hunter  ("Founders  of  New  Plymouth  "  p.  55), 
("  Congregational  History,"  page  157)  fall  into  the  same  mistake. 


92  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

attend  to  the  service  of  the  detested  ministers  of  the  Church 
of  England. 

In  his  "  Paralleles "  Smyth  says:  "I  have  considered 
your  covenant  made  with  one  hundreth  people,  a  thing  of 
such  note  and  observation,  as  that  the  whole  country  riugeth 
of  it,"  and  a  few  pages  later  :  "  you  did  call  out  a  hundreth 
persons  of  so  many  parishes  so  far  distant  to  enter  covenant 
together  not  to  heare  the  dumb  ministers,  to  watch  one  over 
another,  to  admonish  one  an  other  and  thereupon  to  receive 
the  Lord's  supper." 

Bernard  himself  acknowledges  to  have  done  such,  "  only 
in  policy  to  keep  his  people  from  Mr.  Smyth."  (Robinson, 
Works  II,  page  loi).  On  account  of  that  statement  I 
judge  of  him  quite  differently  than  J.  Hunter,  in  his  "  New 
Plymouth,"  page  37. 

After  all,  caught  by  the  strong  current,  Richard  Bernard 
became  openly  an  opponent  of  the  Church  of  England,  re- 
fused to  subscribe  the  articles  for  observing  its  doctrine  and 
public  worship,  and  was  on  account  thereof  sequestered 
from  his  function.  Smyth  in  his  "  Parallells,"  page  2, 
says  :   "  afterwards  having  lost  your  vicaridge." 

Smyth  officiated  about  four  years  as  pastor  of  Gainsbor- 
ough. At  the  expiration  of  that  term  three  Puritan  minis- 
ters :  Dod,  Hildersham,  Barbon,  invited  him  to  a  public 
disputation  *  at  Coventry  at  Sir  William  Bowes'  residence  ; 
to  which  he  agreed. 

As  a  rule,  disputations  of  this  kind  never  carry  convic- 
tion. Either  party  professes  to  have  gained  the  victory. 
At  the  request  of  the  others,  Smyth  closed  the  conference 
in  the  evening  with  prayer.  He  thanked  God  for  the 
peaceful  disposition  among  the  disputants  and  besought  for- 

* Waddington  ("Congregational  History,"  p.  157),  H.  M.  Dexter 
("Congregationalism"  p.  312)  and  others  inaccurate!}'  state  that  this 
disputation  took  place  earlier,  but  Richard  Bernard  ("Christian 
Advertisement  "  page  37)  connects  it  with  Smyth's  visit  to  Holland. 


John  Smyth  93 

giveness  for  any  error  and  imperfectues.s  in  argument  or 
refutation. 

Smyth  himself  was  not  at  all  convinced  by  the  Puritans. 
On  the  contrary,  he  even  thought  he  had  silenced  them  on 
more  than  one  point.  In  his  "Parallel,"  page  129,  we 
read  :  that  "  I  praised  God  for  resolution  of  my  doubts  I 
deny  to  death,"  and  on  page  128:  "that  ever  I  did 
acknowledge  the  seperation  for  truth  and  seperated  from 
the  English  assemblies  and  then  returned  againe  unto  them 
I  do  utterly  deny  and  I  appeale,"  etc. 

On  the  other  hand  it  was  that  prayer  of  Smyth's  that 
gave  opponents  cause  for  proclaiming  that  Smyth  had  been 
convinced  by  them  of  his  error  and  had  solemnly  recanted 
it.  Richard  Bernard  tells  us  in  his  "  Christian  Advertise- 
ment," page  37:  that  "Smyth  conferred  with  certaine 
godly  and  learned  men,  whereby  he  became  so  satisfied,  as 
he  kneeled  downe  and  in  prayer  praised  God,  that  he  was 
not  misled  further."  In  the  preface  to  his  "  Plaine  Evi- 
dences," 1610,  he  referred  again  to  this,  though  Smyth  had 
already  in  1609  said  in  his  "  Paralleles  :  "  "  ther  is  one 
untruth  that  I  did  kneele  downe  and  praise  God  for 
satisfaction  after  doubting." 

It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  attention  was  more  than 
ever  drawn  to  Smyth  by  this  controversy.  Since  1605  the 
vigilance  and  secrity  of  the  State  church  clergy  against  all 
nonconformists  had  increased.  Even  the  "Gunpowder 
Plot,"  was  a  tool  in  their  hands  to  provoke  hatred  among 
the  people  against  all  sectaries.  Under  such  circumstances, 
and  perhaps  because  of  threats  or  still  worse,  Smyth  thought 
it  advisable  to  fly  from  Gainsborough  with  as  many  of  his 
congregation  as  could  and  would  go  with  him.  Cotton 
("  Way  of  Congregational  Churches,"  page  6)  reproaches 
him  with  this  change:  "for  though  the  tyranny  of  the 
ecclesiastical  courts,  was  harsh  towards  him  and  the  yokes 
put  upon  him  in  the  ministry  too  grievous  to  be  borne,  yet 


94  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

neither  was  he  alone  in  suffering."  Smyth  states  that  he 
twice  escaped  from  his  persecutors.  The  first  time  was  pro- 
bably, when  in  1602  a  confession  of  orthodoxy  was  extorted 
from  him  ;  the  second  when  he  fled  to  Holland.  Richard 
Bernard  ("Christian  Advertisement,"  page  38)  charges 
him  with  :  "a  dauntablenesse  of  spirit  with  feare,  not  dar- 
ing to  be  bold  to  suffer  for  the  cause  here  with  us,"  viz.: 
with  Bernard  and  his  people,  then  belonging  to  the 
Brownists. 

Smyth  formed  the  design  of  repairing  to  Amsterdam — the 
usual  asylum  for  Brownists.  He  did  not  grudge  the  Puri- 
tans— who  were  still  always  priding  themselves  on  their 
supposed  victory — their  foolish  boast  that  he  had  been 
completely  won  over  to  their  opinions  and  that  was  now 
going  to  convert  Francis  Johnson.  To  load  Smyth  again 
with  inconstancy  Richard  Bernard  asserts  in  his  "  Christian 
Advert.,"  page  37  :  "he  was  so  resolved  as  he  purposed  to 
disswade  his  tutor  Mr.  Johnson  from  the  same,  saying  he 
would  goe  to  Amsterdam  for  that  end."  Cotton,  doubtless, 
borrowed  from  the  preface  to  Richard  Bernard's  "Plain 
Evidences"  his  information  on  page  6  of  his  "Way  of 
Congregational  Churches:"  "he  thought  he  could  have 
gained  his  tutor  Johnson  from  the  errors  of  his  rigid 
separation. 

Indeed,  at  his  departure.  Smith  provided  as  much  as 
possible  for  the  remaining  part  of  his  congregation.  This 
task  was  rather  easy.  Just  at  this  juncture  John  Robinson 
happened  to  come  into  the  neighbouring  village  of  Scrooby, 
where  elder  Brewster  was  living  in  a  large  mansion.  Rob- 
inson, born  1575,  had  studied  at  Cambridge  from  1592  to 
1598,  and  had  been,  from  1600  to  1605,  pastor  at  mundham, 
of  which  benifice  the  municipal  government  of  Norwich 
had  the  right  of  presentation." 

Difficulties  concerning  his  preaching  at  Norwich  led 
Robinson  to  the  decisive  step  of  separating  from  the  State 


John  Smyth  95 

church.  Henry  Ainsworth  in  his  "  Answer  to  Crashavv," 
page  246,  says:  "witness  the  late  practice  in  Norwich, 
where  certain  citizens  were  excommunicated  for  resorting 
unto  and  praying  with  Mr.  Robinson,  a  man  worthily  rever- 
enced of  all  the  city  for  the  graces  of  God  in  him."  Ac- 
cording to  Pagitt  ("  Heresiography,  page  77):  "one 
master  Robinson,  who  leaving  Norwich  malcontent  became 
a  rigid  Brownist." 

The  friends  at  Scrooby  soon  recognized  Robinson's  great 
abilities,  and  in  1606,  probably  when  Smyth  was  about  to 
depart,  or  had  already  left,  appointed  him,  in  his  room,  as 
their  pastor,  to  assist  the  old  teacher  Richard  Clyfton. 

The  Brownist  congregation  at  Gainsborough  and  the  one 
at  Scrooby  were  two  distinct  churches,  as  Hunter  in  his 
"Founders  of  new  Plymouth  Plantation,"  page  53  and 
elsewhere  rightly  states,  on  the  authority  of  Bradford, 
"History  of  Plymouth,"  page  9  :  "these  people  became 
two  distinct  bodys  or  churches  and  in  regarde  of  distance 
of  place  did  congregate  severally.  In  one  of  those  churches 
was  Mr.  John  Smyth,  who  afterwards  was  chosen  their 
pastor.  But  in  the  other  church  was  that  famous  and 
worthy  man  Mr.  John  Robinson  who  afterwards  was  their 
pastor  for  many  years. ' ' 

I  suppose,  however,  that  the  congregation  of  Scrooby 
never  had  a  pastor  of  its  own,  before  Smyth's  departure,  as 
Bradford  adds  page  10:  "so  after  they  had  continued  to- 
gether about  a  year,  they  resolved  to  get  over  into  Holland 
as  they  could,  which  was  in  the  year  1607  and  1608.'' 
Accordingly,  the  congregation  was  founded  one  year  before 
1607,  otherwise  in  1606,  the  year  of  John  Smyth's 
departure. 

The  Scrooby  congregation  now  being  provided  for,  Smyth 
resolved  to  set  out.  He  arrived  in  Amsterdam  late  in  the 
autumn  of  1606,  probably  in  October  or  November. 


CHAPTER    XIII 
The  Two  English  Congregations  in  Amsterdam 

JOHN  SMYTH  did  not  join  himself  to  the  congregation 
of  his  former  tutor,  Francis  Johnson,  but  formed  with 
his  people  another  English  Church  which  though  separate, 
was  intimately  connected  with  the  first  or  elder  of  the  two. 
This,  perhaps,  led  Baillie  to  misstate  (in  "Errours,"  page 
16),  that  Smyth  established  himself  not  at  Amsterdam,  but 
at  Leyden.  Shaw  ("Manuscript,"  page  185)  and  Neal 
("  Puritans,"  page  422)  fall  into  the  same  mistake,  which 
mistake  Prince  ("  Memorial,"  page  120)  already  detected, 
but,  in  turn,  commits  in  the  same  place  an  error  by  saying 
that  Robinson  went  to  Leyden  at  the  end  of  1608 — which 
was  in  fact  not  before  1609. 

P'or  various  reasons  Smyth  did  not  join  Johnson's  com- 
pany. This  was,  first,  because  the  congregation,  increased 
by  the  exiles  from  Gainsborough  and  environs,  might  have 
become  too  numerous  to  meet  together  conveniently  in  one, 
rather  small  place,  and  to  watch  over  each  other  properly. 
Then  also,  each  congregation  had  but  one  pastor,  and  as 
Francis  Johnson  had  already  held  during  nine  years  that 
dignity  in  Amsterdam,  John  Smyth  would  have  had  to 
renounce  his  position  of  pastor. 

Bradford  (see  Young,  Chronicles  page  450),  tells  us  : — 
he  [Smyth]  was  some  time  pastor  to  a  company  of  honest 
and  godley  men,  which  came  with  him  out  of  England,  and 
pitched  at  Amsterdam.*  Finally,  while  in  Holland  the 
contest  between  Gomarus  and  Arminius  more  and  more 
agitated  the  nation,  it  was  surely  not  strange  that  it  was 

*  Brooke  (Puritans  II  p.  146),  Barclay  (Inner  Life,  p.  63  and  68) 
and  Dexter  (Congregationalism,  p.  312  note)  unjustl}-  presume  that 
Smyth  joined  Johnson's  congregation,  for  which  no  evidence  exists 
to  warrant  the  statement. 


Two  English  Congregations  in  Amsterdam      97 

soon  shown  how  rigid  a  predestinarian  Johnson  was,  and 
that  Smyth  and  his  followers  held  opposite  views  * 

Yet  both  congregations  were  on  most  friendly  terms. 
They  were  two  children  of  one  mother,  attached  to  each 
other  in  sisterly  affection. 

On  the  title-page  of  his  "  Differences  of  the  churches  of 
the  seperation  "  *-'-  Smyth  calls  his  congregation  "  the 
second  English  church  at  Amsterdam,"  and  the  other  one 
in  the  preface    "  the   auncient  brethren  of  the  seperation." 

On  the  ground  of  the  intimate  connection  of  these  two 
congregations,  Henry  Ainsworth  was  justified  in  saying  in 
the  preface  to  his  "  Defence  of  the  holy  Scripture,"  1609, 
of  John  Smyth  that  :  "  not  long  since  he  professed  himself 
to  be  a  member  with  us." 

Smyth's  congregation  was  the  less  numerous  but  kept 
constantly  increasing  in  members  but  from  refugees  from 
the  Lincolnshire  region. 

These  exiles  were  in  a  thankful  mood.  In  a  letter  of 
Hugh  and  Anne  Bromhead,  in  answer  to  one  of  July  13  and 
written  about  August  1607,  as  accompanying  Smyth's 
"Principles  and  Inferences,"  probably  published  in  the 
middle  of  1607,  we  read  :  "  .  .  .  unto  our  good  God 
and  Father,  that  hath  in  his  merciful  providence  brought 
us  out  of  Babylon,  the  mother  of  all  abominations,  the  habi- 
tation of  devils,  and  the  hold  of  all  foul  spirits,  and  a  cage 
of  every  unclean  and  hateful  bird,  and  therewithal  hath 
given  us  a  charge  to  separate  ourselves  and  to  touch  no  un- 
clean .  .  .  we  seek  to  establish  and  obey  the  ordinances 
and  laws  of  our  Saviour,  Christ,  left  by  his  last  will  and 

*  Dexter  ("Congregationalism,"  p.  314)  assigns  a  later  date  to 
Smyth's  Arminian  principles,  without,  however,  supplying  proofs. 
The  event  of  the  Lanibreth  articles  being  drawn  up  in  1595,  does  not 
render  it  probable  that  Smyth  was  quite  free  from  Arminianism  when 
coming  from  England. 

**  See  reprint  in  Appendix  B. 


98  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

without  altering,  changiug,  innovating,  wresting  or  leaving 
out  any  of  them,  that  the  Lord  shall  give  us  sight  of,  b}' 
the  assistance  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  in  this  faith,  and  order 
to  lead  our  lives,  and  for  this  faith  and  order  to  leave  our 
lives,  if  such  be  the  good- will  of  our  heavenly  Father." 

At  that  time  the  congregation,  of  which  P'rancis  Johnson 
was  pastor  and  Henry  Ainsworth  teacher,  attained  a  hith- 
erto unknown  prosperity.  It  numbered  three  hundred 
members.  In  remembrance  of  it,  the  famous  Plymouth 
father.  Governor  Bradford,  forty  years  afterwards,  ex- 
claimed :  "  truh^  there  were  in  them  many  worthy  men  : 
and  if  you  had  seen  them  in  their  beauty  and  order,  as  we 
have  done,  you  would  have  been  much  affected  therewith, 
we  dare  say." 

After  having  made  mention  of  its  government,  Bradford 
says  further  :  There  was  "  one  ancient  widow  for  a  dea- 
coness, who  did  them  service  many  years,  though  she  was 
sixty  years  of  age  when  she  was  chosen.  She  honored  her 
place  and  was  an  ornament  to  the  congregation.  She 
usually  sat  in  a  convenient  place  in  the  congregation  with  a 
little  birchen  rod  in  her  hand,  and  kept  little  children  in 
great  awe  from  disturbing  the  congregation.  She  did  fre- 
quently visit  the  sick  and  weak,  especially  women,  and,  as 
there  was  need,  called  maids  and  young  women  to  watch  and 
do  them  other  helps,  as  their  necessity  did  require,  and  if 
they  were  poor  she  would  gather  relief  for  them  of  those 
that  were  able,  or  acquaint  the  deacons,  and  she  was  obeyed 
as  a  mother  in  Israel  and  an  officer  of  Christ." 

The  consequence  of  this  growth  of  the  congregation  was 
that  Johnson  and  Ainsworth  looked  for  a  place  for  assem- 
bly more  suitable  than  the  one  with  which  they  had  hitherto 
been  content.  A  site  on  the  Groeneburgwal  (Green  city 
wall  or  rampart)  was  purchased  in   the  name  of  one  of  the 


Two  English  Congregations  in  Amsterdam    99 

brethren,  and   the   necessary  money  for  the  building  raised 
by  subscription. 

Ainsworth  ("  Animadversion"  page  2)  tells  us,  that  the 
assurance  of  the  ground  was  made  in  the  name  of  one  man 
only,  whose  name  was  used  but  in  trust,  for  any  other 
might  have  had  the  same  as  well  as  he,  and  that  two  of  our 
brethren  and  a  widow  were  chief  owners  of  the  building. 
Yet,  too,  from  England  fellow-believers  sent  contributions. 
The  records  of  the  Consistory  of  the  Amsterdam  Presby- 
terian Congregation,  February  4,  1607,  informs  us  that  : 
"applying  to  their  friends  in  England,  they  obtained  money 
to  build  a  house  to  dwell  in  and  to  preach  in  it  secretly,  if 
need  be."  This  means  that  added  to  the  chief  building 
there  were  various  dwellings,  just  as  afterwards  was  the 
case  with  the  church  of  John  Smyth  in  Amsterdam  and  that 
of  John  Robinson  at  Leyden. 

Thus  the  English  pretended  to  use  the  building  as  lodg- 
ings for  their  own  people  rather  than  as  a  new  meeting 
house.  Their  real  design,  however,  did  not  escape  the 
sharp-sighted  eye  of  the  Reformed  Consistory.  Already 
November  30,  1606,  as  soon  as  the  purchase  of  the  site  was 
rumored,  the  ministers  Plancius,  and  Ursinus  were  deputed 
to  interview  the  Burgomasters  and  to  protest  against  the 
building  of  a  church  by  the  Brownists  from  England.* 

Nevertheless,  the  Brownists  began  in  January  to  build. 
To  prevent,  if  possible,  this  "abominable"  intention,  the 
said  ministers  were  sent  again  (see  Protocol,  folio  154  et 
seq.,  January  4,  1607).  But  as  before  they  came  in  vain. 
Again  this  time  the  magistrate  displayed  his  kindly  feelings 
towards  foreigners  and  those  of  a  different  opinion. 

It  was,  therefore,  the  more  gratifying  to  the  ecclesiastics, 
that  a  violent  hurricane  arose  and  entirely  destroyed  the 
*  \yhile  perfect  liberty  of  conscience  and  worship ^w^s^lWed  to  aTl 
within  their  owu  dwellings,  it  was  not  then  permitted  by  law  to  build 
an  edifice  called  a  "  church  "  or  one  that  looked  like  a  "church  "  or 
make  any  public  propaganda  in  any  form.— Ed 


100  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

still  unfinished  building.  It  gave  John  Paget  *  a  welcome 
cause  to  open  one  of  the  first  pages  of  the  Presbyterian 
Consistory's  record  book  with  the  observation:  "The 
beforesaid  Brownist  preaching-house  being  half  ready,  God 
sent  his  strong  wind  most  furious  from  heavens  and  cast  the 
house  only,  and  no  other,  flat  downunto  the  ground,  which 
was  a  sign  that  they  do  not  build  upon  the  rock,  the  true 
and  wise  foundation."** 

Despite  this  warning  these  Free  Churchmen  set  about  re- 
pairing the  damage,    and  after  some  time  completed  the 

*  John  Paget  was  a  chaplain  in  "the  Scotch  Brigade"  composed 
at  first  in  Elizabeth's  time  under  Leicester  of  North  Welsh,  English 
and  Scottish  soldiers  in  three  regiments.  Later  this,  the  oldest 
standing  army  in  Europe  was  recruited  in  the  region  north  of  the 
Tweed,  and  not  disbanded  until  1795.  King  George  III  before  hiring 
the  Hessians  tried  hard  to  get  the  services  of  this  brigade  against 
America,  but  the  Republic  refused  to  allow  this.  In  Rotterdam  in 
the  Scotch  church  is  a  memorial  tablet  in  honor  of  the  Scotch  Brigade 
which  was  in  active  service  until  1795. — Ed. 

John  Paget  was  in  1598  minister  at  Northampton,  Cheshire.  In 
1605  he  went  over  to  Holland  as  chaplain  in  the  regiments,  levied  in 
England  by  the  States.  After  January  18,  1605,  he  agreed  to  the 
Dutch  Confession  of  Faith.  On  the  5tti  of  February  following  he  was 
installed  pastor  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  at  Amsterdam,  to  whom 
the  day  before,  the  church  on  the  Begynhof  had  assigned  and  given 
by  the  city.  Until  his  death  August  18,  1638,  Paget  was  the  pastor  of 
this  church. 

**In  this  same  edifice  of  the  church  in  the  Begyn  Hof., Amsterdam, 
of  which  Paget  was  pastor  is  a  bronze  tablet  in  honor  of  the  Free 
Churchmen  and  also  stained  glass  memorial  windows — unveiled  by 
the  editor  in  1820. — Ed. 

ONE   IN   CHRIST 

1609— FROM  .  SCROOBY  .  TO  .  AMSTERDAM— 1  909 

AINSWORTH  .  JOHNSON  .  ROBINSON  .  BREWSTER  .  BRADFORD 

BY  .  A  .  JOINT  .  CONSENT  .  THEY  .  RESOLVED  .  TO 

GO  .  INTO  .  THE  .  LOW  .  COUNTRIES 

WHERE  .  THEY  .  HEARD  .  WAS  .  FREEDOM  .  OF  .  RELIGION  .  FOR  .  ALL  .  MEN 

AND   LIVED  AT  AMSTERDAM 

GOVERNOR  .  WILLIAM  .  BRADFORD  : 

HISTORY  .  OF  .  PLYMOUTH  .  PLANTATION 

IN  .  GRATEFUL  .  REMEMBRANCE  .  AND  .  IN  .  CHRISTIAN  .  BROTHERHOOD 

THE  .  CHICAGO  .  CONGREGATIONAL  .  CLUB 

REAR  .  THIS  .  MEMORIAL 

A.D.    1909 


Two  English  Congregations  in  Amsterdam  101 

building,  in  which  they  worshipped  for  many  years.  It 
was  perhaps  on  the  occasion  of  recompletion  of  their  meet- 
ing house  that  they  issued  the  second  Latin  edition  of  their 
confession  of  faith,  this  time  with  an  annexed  list  of  the 
points  in  which  they  differed  from  the  State  Church.  The 
first  being  of  1598 — and  the  fifth  English  one — the  first 
edition  was  dated  1596,  the  second  1598,  the  third  appended 
to  "  Certayn  Letters,  1602"  and  the  fourth  printed  with 
the  apology  of  1604." 

It  is  unknown  where  John  Smyth  and  his  people  met 
these  first  days.  Perhaps  in  his  own  house,  or  in  one  of 
his  friends.  He  then  practiced  physic  at  Amsterdam,  hav- 
ing gained  at  Cambridge  some  medical  knowledge.  The 
number  of  his  patients  very  soon  increased,  so  that  he  need 
not  avail  himself  of  his  pastor's  right  to  be  maintained  by 
the  voluntary  contributions  of  the  members.  Laying  upon 
his  death  bed  he  could,  indeed,  declare  :  "I  never  received 
of  them,  all  put  together,  the  value  of  fortie  shillings." 
(Smyth  "Retraction  of  errors,"  page  VI.) 

It  was  no  wonder  that  his  practise  increased  daily.  Rich 
people  he  only  charged  half  the  fee  of  other  physicians  and 
most  of  the  time,  refused  to  accept  more.  Of  the  poorer 
sort  he  took  nothing.  About  his  charity  to  distressed  per- 
sons Thomas  Pigott,  in  his  Biography  of  Smyth,  tells  us  : 
"  On  one  occasion  seeing  one  slenderly  apparalled  he  sent 
him  his  gowne  to  make  them  clothes,"  and  when  it  was 
declined,  because  necessity  was  less  urgent  than  it  appeared, 
Smyth  justified  himself,  though  repulsed,  prevented  by  this 
refusal,  as  fulfilling  his  bounden  duty,  according  to  the 
prescript  :  that  he  that  hath  two  coats  let  him  impart  to  him 
that  has  none.      (Luke  III,  11). 

Smyth  was  generally  beloved.  Only  a  few  among  the 
English  objected  to  him,  especially  afterwards,  for  holding 
different  opinions  on  some  religious  and  ecclesiastical  points. 
They  reproached  his  "  inconstancy  and  unstable  judgment 


102  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

and  being  so  suddeuly  carried  away  with  things,  did  soon 
overthrow  him."  (Bradford,  "Dialogue"  page  450). 
Robinson  (Works  II,  page  62)  says  : — "  his  instabihty  and 
wattonness  of  wit  in  his  sin  and  our  cross."  Bernard  in 
the  preface  to  his  Christian  advertisements,  exclaims : 
"  miserable  people  will  you  still  be  led  by  so  changeable  a 
chameleon  !  " 

Yet  this  inconstancy  was  more  apparent  than  real.  It 
resulted  from  a  too  scrupulous  dread  of  impairing  the  inner 
life.  "Truly,  said  he,"  we  being  now  come  into  a  place 
of  liberty,  are  in  great  danger,  if  we  look  not  well  to  our 
ways,  for  we  are  like  men  set  upon  the  ice  and  therefore 
may  easily  slide  and  fall." 

Indeed,  John  Smyth  himself  did  not  deny  that  there  was 
some  truth  in  what  was  laid  to  his  charge.  Shortly  before 
his  death  he  declared  :  "  Now  I  have  in  all  my  writings 
hitherto  received  instruction  of  others,  and  professed  my 
readiness  to  be  taught  by  others,  and  therefore  have  I  so 
oftentimes  been  accused  of  inconstancy,  well,  let  them  think 
of  me  as  they  please,  I  profess  I  have  changed  and  shall  be 
ready  still  to  change  for  the  better  :  and  if  it  be  their  glory 
to  be  peremptory  and  immutable  in  their  articles  of  religion, 
they  may  enjoy  that  glory  without  my  envy,  though  not 
without  the  grief  of  my  heart  for  them." 

This  corresponds  perfectly  with  what  Smyth  wrote  four 
years  earlier,  1608,  in  the  dedication  of  his  "  Differences  of 
the  churches  of  the  separation  :  "  "  And  although  in  this 
writing  something  there  is  which  overthwarteth  my  former 
judgment  in  some  treatise  by  mee  formerly  published  :  yet 
I  would  entreat  the  reader  not  to  impute  that  as  a  fault  unto 
mee  :  rather  it  should  be  accounted  a  vertue  to  retract 
errors.  Know  therefor  that  latter  thoughts  ofttimes  are 
better  than  the  former  :  and  I  do  profess  this  (that  no  man 
account  it  strange)  that  I  will  every  day  as  my  errors  shall 
be  discovered  confesse  them  and  renounce  them  :    For  it  is 


Two  English  Congregations  in  Amsterdam  103 

our  covenant  made  with  our  God  to  forsake  every  evill  way 
whither  in  opinion  or  practise  that  shall  be  manifested  unto 
us  at  any  time  :  and  therforlett  no  plead  now,  as  some  have 
formerly  done,  these  men  are  inconstant  :  they  would  have 
they  know  not  what  :  They  will. never  be  satisfied  and  the 
like  :  For  wee  professe  even  so  much  as  they  object  :  That 
wee  are  inconstant  in  erroer  :  that  wee  would  have  the 
truth,  though  in  many  particulars  we  are  ignorant  of  it  : 
Wee  will  never  be  satisfied  in  endevoring  to  reduce  the 
worship  and  ministery  of  the  Church,  to  the  primitive 
Apostolique  institution  from  which  as  yet  it  is  so  farr 
distant  :  Wherfor  my  earnest  desire  is,  that  my  last  writing 
may  be  taken  as  my  present  judgment  and  so  farre  forth  as 
it  overthwarteth  any  former  writing  of  myne  let  it  be 
accounted  a  voluntary  retraction  and  unfeyned  repentance 
of  my  former  errors  and  evil  wayes  before  the  whole  earth." 
(Compare  appendix  B.) 

Consequently,  no  fear  of  inconstancy  ever  enslaved  him. 
His  was  a  desire  to  possess  the  whole  truth.  Doubts  of 
views,  formerly  maintained  by  him,  continually  crossed  his 
mind.  Unfortuately,  this  dubiety  tended  to  cause  to  grow 
up  a  feeling  of  estrangement  between  him  and  his  friends. 
It  is  no  matter.  lyove  of  truth  surpassed  and  silenced  all 
his  other  feelings.  It  led  him  to  extremities  from  which  he 
had  shrunk  at  first. 

Soon  after  his  arrival  in  Amsterdam  he  put  the  question 
to  himself  :  whether  the  reading  of  a  sermon  and  the  singing 
out  of  books,  though  perhaps  aright  and  edifying  within  the 
family  circle,  should  be  a  part  of  public  worship?  Smyth 
thought  the  answer  could  not  be  doubtful  for  a  Brownist. 
If  the  latter  holds  that  the  reading  of  a  prayer  and  the  use 
of  set  forms  of  prayers  is  entirely  inconsistent  with  the  true 
worship,  which  should  be  produced  out  of  the  heart,  it 
must  be  so  also  in  preaching  and  singing. 

"Writing  and   reading,"    says  Smyth,   "  nay,  all  letters 


104  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

and  characters,  are  invented  by  men,  while  speaking  is 
natural.  If  consequently  writing  and  reading  be  artificial 
devices,  so  it  cannot  be  spiritual  worship,  no  more  than  in 
the  Old  Testament  the  killing  of  sacrifices,  the  ingraving  in 
the  stones  of  the  high  priest's  breastplate,  the  anointing  or 
preparing  of  wood  and  stone  for  the  construction  of  a 
temple."  From  I  Corinthians  XIV :26  he  deduced  the 
singing  of  a  psalm  to  be  the  utterance  of  the  Holy  Ghost, 
and  that  no  one  is  tied  either  to  rhythm  or  tune,  as  it  would 
otherwise  quench  the  spirit.  Accordingly,  it  must  be  done 
by  one  person  alone  and  not  by  all  together,  so  that  the  joint 
singing  in  the  church  be  abolished.  On  this  very  subject, 
there  was  afterwards  a  great  contention  in  the  Independent 
Church  at  Aruhem,  Holland. 

Further  :  "if  the  Brownist  holds  that  the  Bible  is  God's 
word,  as  Smyth  fully  believed,  it  is  only  true  of  the  original 
text  :  of  Hebrew  and  Greek.  The  translations,  however 
excellent  they  may  be,  were  but  the  work  of  men  and  there- 
fore on  the  level  of  an  apocryphal  writing.  The  originals, 
containing  more  substance  of  truth  than  even  the  prophets 
and  apostles  can  conceive,  cannot  be  fully  rendered  by  any 
translation.  The  original  scriptures  are  the  image  of  the 
mind  of  God,  and  a  translation  is  but  an  image  of  the 
original.  Even  the  most  learned  and  holy  men  cannot  in  a 
translation  express  truly  and  fully  the  Holy  Ghost's 
meaning  in  the  originals  so  that  their  translation  is  equal  to 
an  apocryphal  writing  of  an  ordinary  man,  and  if  brought 
into  the  worship  of  God,  why  not  likewise  all  other 
apocryphal  writings  ? 

To  this  Hugh  Bromhead,  a  member  of  Smyth's  Church, 
agreed.  He  wrote,  probably  in  August,  1607.  "  No 
apocrypha  must  be  brought  into  the  public  assemblies,  for 
there  only  God's  word  and  the  lively  voice  of  His  own  grace 
must  be  heard  in  the  public  assemblies,  but  men's  writing 
and    the   reading   them    over    for   prayers  are  apocrypha, 


Two  English  Congregations  in  Amsterdam  105 

therefore  may  not  be  brought  into  the  public  assemblies." 

The  minister  should,  accordingly,  employ  only  the  origi- 
nal text  and  translate  and  expound  it  publicly.  Finally, 
a  part  of  the  common  worship  is  the  action  of  contribution, 
which  should  be  sanctified  by  prayer  and  thanksgiving. 
This  acknowledgment  includes  the  truth  that  contribution 
is  an  action  of  the  communion  of  the  saints  ;  and,  therefore, 
the  gifts  of  those  not  belonging  to  the  congregation,  but 
attending  upon  the  service,  should  be  kept  separate. 

Another  of  John  Smyth's  objections  was  the  constitution 
the  church.  The  Brownists  were  headed  by  a  pastor  having 
under  or  next  to  him  two  sorts  of  elders  :  the  one  are  to 
teach  and  aid  in  preaching  ;  the  other  are  church-governors, 
who,  as  a  rule,  looked  only  after  the  discipline. 

Now,  again,  searching  the  Scriptures,  Smyth  concluded 
that  there  had  been  in  the  apostolic  churches  but  one  sort 
of  elders,  or  overseers,  who  were  charged  with  both 
preaching  and  ruling,  and  who,  all  of  them,  were  pastors, 
having  the  same  equal  rights  and  duties.  Next  to  them 
were  the  deacons.  Accordingly,  Smyth  said,  that  it  can 
never  be  proved  that  there  was  but  one  pastor  in  a  church. 
It  was,  moreover,  a  corruption,  that  nothing  could  be  done 
in  the  church  without  the  Consistory's  consent  and  that  no 
member  of  the  Church  could  offer  anything  for  considera- 
tion without  first  acquainting  the  elders  with  it,  as  the 
Consistory  had  been  invested  with  all  its  power  exclusively 
by  the  members  of  the  church,  who  were,  even  in  a  clergy- 
man's absence,  entitled  to  administer  baptism  and 
communion. 

John  Smyth's  opinion  on  the  value  of  the  translation  of 
the  Holy  Scripture  was  the  chief  cause  of  tart  discussions 
between  him  and  Henry  Ainsworth.  The  latter  said  in  his 
"Defence  of  H.  Scriptures"  that  he  had  five  times  con- 
futed viva  voce  this  opinion.  It  even  led  to  some  estrange- 
ment between  the  sister  churches.     What  wonder  ?    It  was 


106  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

displayed  iu  every  service,  when  Smyth  read  out  his  text  in 
the  original  language  and  expounded  it.  The  difference 
became  still  more  manifest  when  it  was  made  a  practical 
rule  immediately  after  the  Bible  reading  to  lay  aside  the 
books  to  abolish  totally  the  singing  of  psalms,  and  to  say  a 
prayer  before  and  after  the  collection. 

Trusting  in  his  personal  influence,  Francis  Johnson  pro- 
bably tried  to  check  these  innovations,  but  this  only  gave 
the  impulse  to  Smyth's  objections  already  mentioned  against 
the  constitution  and  power  of  the  Consistory.  A  pamphlet 
of  thirty-two  pages  i6  mo.  issued  by  Smyth  about  July 
1607  and  entitled  ;  "  Principles  and  inferences  concerning 
the  visible  Church,"  was  in  1608,  followed  by  another  one 
of  forty  quarto  pages  under  the  title  of  :  "  The  differences 
of  the  churches  of  the  separation."*  This  was  not  publicly 
confuted  until  one  year  later,  1609,  in  Henry  Ainsworth's 
"  Defence  of  the  Holy  Scriptures." 

However  vivid  these  discussions  iu  print  might  have  been, 
they  did  not  become  the  talk  of  the  town.  The  public 
never  got  information  about  these  matters  until  John  Smyth 
and  his  followers  had  abandoned  the  Brownists  for  good. 
From  that  moment,  1609,  Henry  Ainsworth's  reason  for 
observing  privacy  was  removed.  He  published  a  vigorous 
confutation  against  the  man  who,  as  he  said,  "  fighteth 
against  the  faith  which  he  himself  once  professed,  and  who 
after  having  drunk  the  wine  of  violence  (Proverbs  IV,  17) 
proclaimeth  open  war  against  God's  everlasting  Covenant," 


*  See  the  reprint  in  Appendix  B. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

The  Remaining  Scrooby  Congregation  Flees 
TO  Holland 

MEANWHILE,  it  became  an  eventful  time  for  the 
Brownists  at  large.  The  remaining  portion  of 
Smyth's  congregation  at  Scrooby,  now  guided  and  kept  by 
Richard  Clyfton,  John  Robinson  and  William  Brewster, 
was  persecuted  with  increasing  vigour. 

So,  after  they  had  continued  together  about  a  year,  or, 
since  the  autumn  of  1606,  and  kept  their  religious  assem- 
blies, in  spite  of  all  diligence  and  malice  of  their  opponents, 
these  villagers  in  the  north  country  of  England  resolved  on 
getting  over  into  Holland.  They  met,  however,  with  great 
difficulties  of  which  Governor  Bradford  in  his  "  History  of 
Plymouth  Plantation"  tells  us,  in  a  long  passage  which  is 
familar  to  readers  in  every  country  in  which  the  English 
language  is  spoken. 

About  May,  1608  all  of  them  Separatists  (from  Scrooby 
and  the  north  region)  had  arrived  in  Amsterdam,  number- 
ing in  all  probably  three  to  four  hundred  souls  of  whom 
nearly  two  hundred  were  members  of  the  church.  A  few, 
such  as  the  old,  decrepit  teacher  Richard  Clyfton,  could 
not  yet  determine  as  to  making  the  passage  across  the 
North  Sea.  According  to  the  family  records  published  by 
Hunter  in  his  "  Collections  concerning  the  founders  of  New 
Plymouth,"  page  44,  Clyfton  did  not  come  over  until 
August  1608,  (and  not  in  1606,  as  Hanbury  in  his  "  Me- 
morials "  page  185,  nor  in  1607,  as  Prince's  "Memorial," 
page  254,  misstate.) 

Left  by  his  congregation,  Clyfton  went  to  Sutton,  prob- 
ably Long-Sutton  in  Lincolnshire,  where  he  was  still 
teacher  in  July  1608.  (See  No.  52  of  appended  List  of 
marriages. "^     As  to  the  rest,  the  weakest  and  most  indigent 

*See  Appendix  A. 


108  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

ones  came  first.  John  Robinson  and  William  Brewster 
stayed  to  help  the  weakest  over  before  them  and  stayed 
until  the  last.  Though  not  mentioned  by  William  Brad- 
ford, I  suppose  that  Thomas  Helwys  was  also  among  the 
finals,  as  it  is  said  ;  "  that  he  above  all,  either  guides  others 
or  furthered  this  passage  into  strange  countries." 

However,  his  wife  Jane,  apprehended  for  Brownism  in 
July  1607,  was  still  suspected  one  year  later  in  July  1608. 
Had  Thomas  and  she  already  left  in  1607,  or  early  in  1608, 
for  Holland,  this  suspicion  would  not  have  been  so  easily 
excited. 

The  Amsterdam  Brownists,  and  certainly  most  particu- 
larly their  old  friends  and  former  pastor  John  Smyth 
rejoiced  at  the  arrival  in  the  republic  of  John  Robinson, 
William  Brewster  and  Thomas  Helwys.  They  met  with  a 
welcome  reception.  They  communicated  to  Smyth  what, 
since  his  departure,  had  happened  in  England.  Either 
they  told  him,  or  he  learned  it  from  a  letter  of  Clyfton, 
that  Richard  Bernard  had  signed  the  articles  of  the  State- 
church,  had  been  restored  to  his  vicarship  at  Worksop  and 
was  now  longing  for  the  still  larger  office  of  prebendary  of 
Sawenby  and  at  Gainsborough. 

In  a  letter  to  Helwys,  Bernard  had  spoken  slightingly  of 
Smyth's  last  pamphlet  :  "  Principles  and  Influences." 
Irritated  over  both  this  and  his  apostasy,  to  which  he 
referred — more  biblically  than  elegantly,  according  to  2 
Peter  II,  22  : — "  the  dog  is  turned  to  his  own  vomit  again  ; 
and  the  sow  that  was  washed  to  her  wallowing  in  the  mire," 
Smyth  wrote  him  at  once  a  letter.  He  inserted  this  letter 
in  his  "  Paralleles  "  and  stated  in  the  preface  to  it  : — "  Mr. 
Bernard  had  in  his  hands  this  lettre  of  myne  six  or  seven 
months  before  he  published  this  his  book,  entitled  the 
Seperatists  Schisme." 

This  book,  bearing  date,  June  18,  1608,  shows  that 
Smyth's  first  letter  must  have  been  written  about  November 


ScROOBY  Congregation  Flees  to  Holland        109 

1607.  In  reply  to  it,  Richard  Bernard  published,  June 
1608  his  "  Christian  advertisements  and  counsels  of  peace. 
Also  disswasions  from  the  Separatists  Schisme,"  etc.  It 
called  forth  in  1608  Ainsworth's  "  Counterpoyson,"  and  in 
i6og  Smyth's  "  Paralleles  ".  These  again  were  followed  by 
Bernard's  "  Plaine  Evidences:  the  Church  of  England  is 
apostolicall  ;  the  Separation  Schismaticall,  directed  against 
Mr.  Ainsworth  the  separatist  and  Mr.  Smyth  the  se-baptist, 
1610."  In  the  same  year,  John  Robinson  at  last  published 
his  "Justification  of  Separation,"  which,  too,  was  against 
Richard  Bernard. 

This  battle  of  the  books  and  of  men  ended  without  not- 
able success.  Both  parties  stuck  to  their  own  opinions  and 
there  was  no  compromise  on  either  side.  John  Smyth  and 
Richard  Bernard  alike  reproached  each  other  with  great 
inconstancy.  According  to  Smyth's  "  Paralleles  ",  Bernard 
was  "  as  changable  as  the  moone,  as  mutable  as  Proteus,  as 
variable  as  the  chamaelon  ";  while  Bernard  said  of  Smyth 
in  the  preface  to  his  "  Plaine  Evidences"; — "  his  judge- 
ment is  instabilitie  itselfe,  his  course  is  as  changeable  as  the 
moone.  Miserable  people  !  will  you  still  be  misled  by  so 
changeable  a  chamaelon  ?  " 

Indeed,  the  accusations  brought  against  Smyth  were,  in 
some  degree,  countenanced  by  the  English  who  had  come 
from  Scrooby. 


CHAPTER  XV 
John   Smyth's   Se-Baptism   and   Separation 

FROM   THE    BrOWNISTS 

JUST  at  the  ver}'  time  of  the  arrival  of  the  EngHsh  from 
Scrooby  the  controversy  about  the  use  of  Bibles  and 
prayer  books,  the  value  of  translations  of  the  Bible,  the  way 
of  collecting  and,  more  especially,  about  the  composition 
and  authority  of  the  Consistory,  was  in  full  force.  Though 
acquainted  and  on  friendly  terms  with  John  Smyth,  many 
of  the  newcomers,  therefore,  hesitated  to  side  with  either 
party. 

John  Robinson,  the  pastor  of  Scrooby,  was  probably 
hesitant  about  parting  with  his  dignity  in  yielding  to  Francis 
Johnson's  authority.  His  connection  to  Smyth,  however, 
was  so  close  that  Joseph  Hall,  in  his  letter  to  Mr.  Smyth 
and  to  Mr.  Robinson,  mentions  him  in  the  same  breath 
with  Smyth  as  the  ringleaders  of  the  separation  at  Amster- 
dam in  1608.  One  year  and  a  half  after,  Hall,  jestingly 
apologizing,  said  in  his  "  Common  Apology  of  the  Church 
of  England,"  page  31  :  "as  for  the  title  ringleader  where- 
with I  styled  this  pamphleteer  (Robinson),  if  I  have  given 
him  too  much  honor  in  his  sect,  I  am  sorry.  Perhaps,  I 
should  have  put  him  in  the  tail  of  his  train.  Perhaps,  I 
should  have  endorsed  my  letter  :  to  Mr.  Smyth  and  his 
shadow,  as  I  perceive  he  was." 

On  account  of  Robinson's  wavering  attitude,  it  was  for 
Smyth  certainly  a  matter  of  double  importance  to  win 
Richard  Clyfton,  whom  he,  in  truth  valued  so  highly.  He 
sent  him,  probably  in  the  beginning  of  1608,  two  proposi- 
tions, on  which  he  wanted  to  learn  his  opinion.  Perhaps 
Clyfton  had  already  detected  in  Smyth's  democratic  striving 
for  the  power  of  the  congregation  against  the  obligarchy  of 
the  Consistory,   and  in  his  objection  against  divers  sorts  of 


John  Smyth's  Se-Baptism  and  Separation     111 

elders,  traces  of  Anabaptical  tendencies,  or  rather  of  Men- 
uonnite  influence.     If  so,   this  suspicion   must  have  been 
greatly  strengthened  by  these  propositions.     They  read  : 
ist,  infants  should  not  be  baptised. 

2nd,  those  converted  from  infidelity  to  the  faith  must  be 
admitted  to  the  Church  by  baptism. 

Brownism  inevitably  falls  to  Anabaptism  and  this  Joseph 
Hall  shows  in  a  trenchant  style.  He  says:  "there  is  no 
remedy,  you  must  go  forward  into  Anabaptism,  or  come 
back  to  us  ;  all  your  Rabbins  cannot  answer  the  charge  of 
your  rebaptised  brother  John  Smyth  :  if  we  be  a  true 
Church  you  must  retain  us  ;  if  not,  you  must  rebaptise. 
If  our  baptism  is  good,  then  is  our  constitution  good.  He 
tells  you  true,  your  station  is  unsafe,  either  you  must  for- 
ward to  him  or  back  to  us." 

And  in  his  letter  he  reproaches  Robinson  and  Smyth  with 
living  at  Amsterdam  "in  the  stench  of  Judaism,  Arianism, 
Anabaptism."  to  which  Robinson  replied  :  "  We  have 
nothing  common  with  Jews,  Arians  and  Anabaptists  but  the 
streets  and  market  place." 

Clyfton  replied  March  14,  1608,  to  the  propositions  wnth 
a  sharp  exhortation.  Ten  days  later  he  received  from 
Smyth  an  elaborate  answer  consisting  of  seventy-one  quarto 
pages,  which  still  more  warmly  advocated  baptism  on  con- 
fes.sion  of  faith.  Its  final  words  run:  "  thus  hoping  speedily 
either  to  hear  an  answer  to  this  writing  or  to  see  you  yield 
to  the  truth,  which  I  unfeignedly  ask  the  Lord  for  you,  my 
countrymen,  I  end  writing  this  the  24th  day  of  March, 
1608." 

Smyth  still  always  cherishing  hopes  to  win  Clyfton  to  his 
own  views,  wrote  with  moderation.  Nor  did  he  publish  his 
writing.  Should  ever  his  wish  be  fulfilled,  it  would  be 
better  not  to  let  anybody  meddle  with  their  dispute.  Pro- 
visionally, it  was  only  a  question  between  these  two. 
Clyfton  says  ;    "Seeing   I   had  received  the  copie  of  Mr. 


112  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

Smyth's  book  iti  icritteyi  hand,  which  he  purposely  sent  unto 
me  as  a  reply  to  my  former  answer  to  his  two  Anabaptistical 
positions,  where  unto  I  had  almost  finished  this  my  second 
answer   ("A  plea  for  infants)   before  his  book  ivas  printed.'' 

With  Henry  Ainsworth,  Joiin  Smyth  was  on  quite  differ- 
ent terms.  He  did  not  expect  him  ever  to  adopt  his  views. 
He  took  it  very  ill  of  him  to  have  rejected,  in  his  confuta- 
tion of  Richard  Bernard,  a  few  of  his  doctrines.  Of 
Clyfton's  rejoinder,  he  had  far  better  expectations. 

At  last,  August  1608,  Clyfton  came  from  Longsutton  to 
Holland.  He  had  in  vain  flattered  himself  with  the  hope 
of  being  left  alone,  because  of  his  age  and  bad  health.  But 
when  Clyfton  joined  Francis  Johnson,  John  Smyth  had,  as 
he  states  in  his  "  Plea  for  infants,"  to  renounce  all  hope. 
Yet,  in  no  long  time,  Smyth  took  the  great  decisive  step 
and  separated  himself  from  the  Brownists  for  ever. 

This  end  had  been  foreseen.  A  man  like  Smyth  never 
shrinks  from  the  consequences  resulting  from  what  he  con- 
siders to  be  truth.  For  a  year  he  had  been  convinced  of 
the  invalidity  of  infant  baptism.  He  had  defended  the 
idea  of  restricting  baptism  to  adults  on  confession  of  faith. 
But  he  was  still  at  a  loss  to  decide,  how  to  commence  this 
practice  in  his  Church  ?  If  he  administered  this  sacrement 
in  virtue  of  his  office,  should  he  himself  then  first  not  be 
baptised  on  confession  of  faith  ?  Was  baptism  received 
from  one  unbaptized  valid. 

To  Smyth's  mind,  the  obstacle  was  to  be  overcome.  They 
were  surrounded  by  at  least  three  Mennonite  churches  : 
that  of  the  Flemish,  of  the  Frisons,  of  the  United  High 
German  and  Waterlanders.  Particularly  with  the  least  one, 
Smyth  had  already  come  in  contact.  From  it  he  borrowed 
his  views  on  the  ministry,  nay,  even  on  baptism  itself. 
Why  not,  for  baptism,  resort  to  one  of  its  elders  who 
indeed  had  been  properly  and  lawfully  baptised  ?  Here  was 
the  root  of  the  difficulty.     Could  Smyth  do  so  with  a  clear 


John  Smyth's  Se-Baptism  and  Separation     113 

conscience?  It  would  be  acknowledging  this  congregation 
to  be  the  true  Church  of  Christ,  and  this  was  contrary  to 
his  conviction  and,  therefore,  sinful  for  hiui  to  do.  There 
was  but  one  way  out. 

For  a  long  time,  already,  in  his  writings  against  Richard 
Bernard,  Smyth  held  the  opinion  that  the  successio  apostolica, 
the  very  stumbling  stone  between  Catholics  and  Protestants, 
did  not  exist  ;  and  that,  owing  to  the  corruptions  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church,  as  to  doctrine,  rule  and  adminis- 
tration of  the  sacraments,  an  uninterrupted  succession  of 
true  Christian  ministers,  who,  since  the  apostles'  time, 
delivered  the  truth  from  generation  to  generation,  is  out  of 
question. 

In  his  last  tract,  Smyth  wrote  :  "I  hold  as  I  have  written 
to  Mr.  Bernard,  that  this  succession  is  abolished  by  the 
Church  of  Rome,  and  that  there  is  no  true  ministry  derived 
from  the  apostles  through  the  Church  of  Rome  to  England, 
but  that  the  succession  is  interrupted  and  broken  off.  Suc- 
cession being  broken  off  and  interrupted,  it  may  by  two  or 
three  gathered  together  in  the  name  of  Christ  be  renewed 
and  assumed  again." 

From  Matthew  XVIII,  20: — "For  where  two  or  three 
are  gathered  together  in  my  name,  there  am  I  in  the  midst 
of  them  " — Smyth  concluded  and  wrote  ("  Character  of  the 
Beast,"  page  58)  :  — "  if  all  the  commandments  of  God  must 
be  obeyed,  then  this  of  baptism,  and  this  warrant  is  suffi- 
cient for  assuming  baptism.  Now,  for  baptizing  a  man's 
self,  there  is  as  good  warrant  as  for  a  man's  churching  him- 
self :  for  two  men  singly  are  no  church,  jointly  they  are  a 
church,  and  they  both  of  them  put  a  church  upon  them- 
selves, for  as  both  these  persons  unchurched,  yet  have 
power  to  assume  the  church,  each  of  them  for  himself  and 
others  in  communion,  so  each  of  them  unbaptized  hath 
power  to  assume  baptism  for  himself  with  others  in  com- 
munion." 


114  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

Such  was  Snnth's  opinion.  Such  was  what  he  taught 
his  friend  Hehvys  and  the  members  of  his  church,  who 
readily  attended  his  teachings.  And  what  Smyth  thought 
and  taught,  he  also  practiced.  In  a  solemn  divine  service, 
before  them  all,  he  baptized  himself  on  confession  of  faith. 

From  partiality,  the  historians  of  the  Baptists  :  Crosby, 
Taylor,  Ivimey,  unjustly  deny  this  fact.  According  to 
John  Robinson  (Works  III,  page  i68)  Smyth  baptized  first 
himself  and  next  Helwys  and  so  the  rest,  making  their 
particular  confessions.  They  numbered  fully  forty.  The 
records  of  the  Amsterdam  Mennonite  congregation  contain 
a  list  of  fifteen  men  and  seventeen  women,  who  own  to  have 
been  baptised  in  this  manner,  and  say  that  they  regret  it. 
Other  sources  tell  us  that  there  were  still  another  ten,  not 
recorded  in  this  list,  as  they  did  not  repent  of  it. 

This  baptism  not  only  involved  separation  from  the 
Brownists  for  ever,  but  also  the  formation  of  the  first  con- 
gregation of  English  Teleiobaptists. 

During  the  sixteenth  century,  there  were  in  England 
these  Dutch  Mennonites.  For  the  greater  part,  if  not  ex- 
clusively, they  consisted  of  these  refugees  from  the  Nether- 
lands. 

Excommunication  of  Smyth  and  his  followers  by  the 
Brownists,  of  which  mention  is  nowhere  made,  was,  indeed, 
rendered  unnecessary,  as  the  fact  itself  led  to  their  separa- 
tion. It,  probably,  took  place  in  1608.  Of  course,  Smyth 
could  not  have  resolved  on  editing  "  The  Character  of  the 
Beast "  before  leaving  the  Brownist  Church.  The  book 
was  published  January  1609,  and  his  "  Paralleles  "  a  few 
days  before,  as  Henry  Ainsworth  states,  in  his  "  Defence", 
page  119.  The  printing  and  preparation  of  both  books 
(together  thirty  six  sheets)  must  certainly  have  taken  three 
mouths. 

Richard  Bernard,  Smyth's  former  competitor,  and  now 
his  violent  opponent,  thereafter  called  him  a  se-baptist — a 


John  Smyth's  Se-Baptism  and  Separation     115 

gibe  warmly  applauded  aud  readily  adopted  by  all  liis 
partisans.  In  his  "  Plaine  Evidences"  1610,  page  17, 
Bernard  writes: — "he  wanted,  I  know,  a  godfather,  when 
he  was  christened  againe  ;  now  it  is  an  ancient  ciistome  to 
name  then  the  childe  and  the  susceptors  to  give  it.  Indeed 
I  was  not  requested  by  this  childes  parents  to  be  an  under- 
taker, nevertheless  upon  so  extraordinarie  an  act,  I  will  be 
somewhat  exorbitant  with  myself  to  cal  him  Mr.  John 
Smith  the  anabaptisticall  se-baptist.  He  is  anabaptisticall 
for  rebaptization  and  he  is  a  se-baptist  because  he  did  bap- 
tize himselfe." 

John  Smyth  confirmed  his  removal  by  the  publication  of 
two  writings  :  the  already  mentioned  "  Paralleles,  Censures, 
Observations,"  directed  against  Richard  Bernard  ;  and  the 
treatise  on  baptism,  sent  to  Richard  Clyfton,  to  which  was 
added  a  sharp  preface  and  a  not  less  sharp  epilogue,  all 
together  under  the  title  of  :  "  The  character  of  the  beast  "  — 
the  latter  word  referring  to  the  beast  in  the  Revelation  of 
St.  John  ;  and  character,  to  infant  baptism. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

The  Congregation  of  Francis  Johnson  and 
OF  Henry  Ainsworth 

SO  far  as  appearances  went,  the  congregation  of  Francis 
Johnson  and  Henry  Ainsworth  suffered  less  by  John 
Smyth's  renouncing  Brownism,  than  many  had  probably 
expected.  It  assembled  as  often  as  before.  Smyth  and  his 
people  had  never  joined  them  and  the  number  of  members 
transferred  to  the  new  congregation,  if  any,  was  certainly 
not  large.  Yet  a  stricter  examination  will  show  that 
Smyth's  withdrawal  had  important  and  in  some  respects 
fatal  effects. 

John  Robinson  was  disgusted  with  their  controversy. 
He  was  now  glad  of  having  always  refused  to  join  Mr. 
Smyth,  because,  as  he  declared,  he  would  use  his  liberty  in 
this  point.  Having  now  lost  his  friend  Smyth  for  ever,  he 
carried  out  the  plan  long  before  formed,  to  leave  Amster- 
dam with  his  people  and  settle  down  at  L,eyden.  He  at 
once  applied'^'  to  the  lords.  Burgomasters  and   the  Court  of 

*  In  the  Journal  of  the  Court  of  Justice  of  the  city  of  Leyden,  G. 
page  34,  there  is  the  following  petition,  written  in  Dutch  : — 

"To  my  Hon.  Lords,  my  Lords,  Burgomaster  and  Court  of  Justice 
of  the  City  of  Leyden, 

beg  leave,  respectfully  and  obediently,  to  acquaint,  Jan  Robarthse, 
minister  of  God's  word,  together  with  some  of  the  church  of  the 
Christian  Reformed  Religion,  born  in  the  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain, 
to  the  number  of  one  hundred  or  thereabout,  as  well  men  as  women, 
that  they  would  intend  to  come  and  settle  down  within  this  city  and 
the  jurisdiction  thereof,  one  of  these  days,  viz.,  towards  May  next,  to 
earn  their  livelihood  by  their  various  trades  and  traffics,  without, 
however,  causing  the  leave  hindrance  to  anyone  soever, — so  it  is  that 
supplicants  apply  to  Your  Honourable,  praying  most  urgently  that  it 
may  please  Your  Honourable  to  grant  them  free  consent  to  go  to 
aforesaid  city  ;  that  is  to  say,  &c. — " 

In  the  margin  is  noted : — 

"Those  of  the  Court  of  Justice,  deciding  in  the  present  request, 
declare  that  they  do  not  refuse  any  honest  person  to  come  and  settle 
down  within  this  city,  provided  that  they  behave  themselves  honestly 
and  obey  to  all  regulations  and  by-laws  of  this  place,  in  case  of  which 
suppliants'  arrival  here  will  be  welcome  and  agreeable  to  them. 

Done  in  their  meeting  at  the  Townhall,  the  12th  of  February  1609, 
on  that  date,  in  my  presence,  and  signed 

J.  VAN  HouT." 


Congregation  of  Francis  Johnson  117 

Justice  of  the  city  of  Leyden  for  pennissiou  to  do  so.  It 
was  granted  February  12,  1609. 

John  Robiusou  came  to  Leyden  about  the  first  of  May  iu 
that  year,  the  very  date  named  in  his  petition.  This  date 
corresponds  to  what  Prince  ("  New  England  Chronology," 
page  254)  states: — "they  therefore  with  Mr.  Robinson 
remove  to  Leyden  about  the  beginning  of  the  twelve-years- 
truce  between  the  Dutch  and  Spaniards  ".  This  truce  dates 
from  the  9th  of  April  1609. 

Robinson  was  accompanied  by  more  than  a  hundred  per- 
sons, both  men  and  women,  as  his  petition  says.  Perhaps 
double  the  number  !  When  eleven  years  afterwards,  fully 
one  hundred  of  his  people  took  the  great  voyage  to  Amer- 
ica, there  still  remained  in  Leyden  from  one  hundred-twenty 
to  one  hundred  and  fift}'  members,  though  during  these 
eleven  years  the  congregation  was  on  the  decline. 

From  the  List  of  passengers  of  the  "  Mayflower"*  (see 
appendix  C),  we  can  see  that  the  true  number  of  emigrants 
on  this  ship  was  one  hundred  and  two,  while  according  to 
Winslow's  "  Brief  narration  "  (Young,  "  Chronicles  of  the 
Pilgrim  Fathers,"  page  384)  : — "  the  major  part  stayed  and 
the  pastor  with  them  for  the  present.  The  minor  part  with 
Mr.  Brewster  their  elder  resolved  to  enter  upon  this  great 
work,  but  take  notice  the  difference  of  number  was  not 
great." 

The  congregation  of  Leyden,  consequently,  must,  about 
1620  have  numbered  something  like  two  hundred  and  fifty 
souls.  But  having  diminished  in  number  since  its  arrival 
at  Leyden,  which  diminution  was  one  of  the  pressing 
reasons  of  its  members  for  setting  out,  it  will  at  first, 
shortly  after  its  establishment  in  Leyden,  likely  have  been 

*  The  real  number  leaving  Leyden  and  the  core  and  real  spirit  of 
the  Plymouth  Colony,  from  first  to  last  was  the  company  that  em- 
barked on  the  Speedwell  from  Delfshaven.  Not  as  many  as  forty 
(probably  35  in  all)  who  had  been  of  the  Leyden  church  sailed  on 
the  Mayflower.  — (Ed.  ) 


118  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

some  three  hundred.  At  their  departure  from  Amsterdam, 
I  estimate  its  number  at  two  hundred,  but  governor  Brad- 
ford tells  us,  that  many  came  unto  them  from  divers  parts 
of  England,  so  as  they  grew  to  be  a  great  congregation,  not 
much  fewer  in  number  than  the  one  of  Amsterdam,  having 
had,  before  the  brethren  left  for  Leydeu,  three  hundred 
members.  It  is,  therefore,  probable  that  Francis  Johnson's 
congregation  lost  by  this  departure  to  Leyden  fully  hun- 
dred, perhaps  hundred  and  thirty  or  hundred  and  forty 
members,  and  these  followers  of  John  Robinson  numbered 
some  two  hundred,  children  included. 

To  trace  the  further  adventures  of  this  congregation, 
guided  by  John  Robinson  ;  the  history  of  the  Independents, 
originating  with  them,  with  the  assistance,  too,  of  Henry 
Jacob  ;  the  colonization  of  its  majority  in  New  Plymouth 
and  its  dispersion  from  Leyden  after  its  founder's  death — is 
not  now  our  province.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that  the  departure 
of  the  Brownists  to  L,eyden  was  a  great  loss  to  Francis 
Johnson  and  Henry  Ainsworth's  congregation.  Its  number 
fell  to  far  below  two  hundred  members. 

Besides,  its  peace  was  disturbed.  In  vain  Henry  Ains- 
worth  repeated  in  his  book  "The  Communion  of  Saints, 
1607,*  "the  never  superfluous  exhortation  to  harmony. 
In  vain  Ainsworth  and  Johnson  agreed  with  each  other  : — 
"when  others  therefore,  as  namely,  Mr.  Smyth,  wrote 
against  the  truth,  which  they  formerly  professed,  not  to 
answer,  till  the  second  or  third  time  we  were  exceedingly 
provoked,  for  we  considered  how  the  common  adversary 
would  rejoice  at  our  intestine  troubles."  (Henry  Ains- 
worth, animadversion  to  Mr.  Richard  Clyfton's  "  Adver- 
tisement," page  3). 

In  vain  Francis  Johnson  kept  his  warlike  spirit  in  check, 

*This  well  written  treatise  became  an  edifying  book  for  family  use, 
even  among  people  of  different  opinion,  and  was  reprinted  in  1615, 
1628,  1640,  and  for  the  last  time  in  1789  by  Stevart,  incorporated,  with 
"  An  arrow  against  Idolatry." 


Congregation  of  Francis  Johnson  119 

and  only  issued  his  "  Certayne  reasous  and  arguments," 
which  treatise,  he  says  (page  i  of  the  dedication)  :  "was 
for  the  substance  of  it  written  long  since  (1601)  in  nine 
reasons,  which  now  I  have  revived  and  deduced  to  seven." 
It  called  forth  a  refutation  of  W.  Bradshaw  :  "  The  unrea- 
sonableness of  the  separation,"  published,  under  revision  of 
Aniesius,  by  George  Waters,  in  1614,  at  Dordrecht.  John 
Robinson,  too,  made  some  objections  to  it  in  his  treatise 
entitled  "  Of  the  lawfulness  of  hearing  of  the  ministers  of 
the  Church  of  England."      (Works  III,  page  360.) 

All  these  efforts  to  preserve  peace  in  the  congregation 
were,  however,  to  no  purpose.  On  the  other  hand,  Ains- 
worth,  Clyfton  and  Johnson's  hot  polemics,  as  soon  as 
Smyth  renounced  Brownism,  did  nowise  alTect  that  peace. 

Henry  Ainsworth  was  not  wanting  in  words  to  reprove 
John  Smyth.  In  the  preface  to  his  ' '  A  defence  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures"  we  read:  "the  fraud  and  malignity  of  this 
boaster,"  and  at  the  end  of  it :  "  God's  hand  is  heavy  upon 
him,  in  giving  him  over  from  error  to  error  and  now  at  last 
to  the  abomination  of  Anabaptism." 

Clyfton  vented  his  indignation  in  his  "  A  plea  for  infants 
and  elder  people  concerning  their  baptism,  16 10,"  to  which, 
still  in  the  same  year,  John  Smyth  made  answer  with  "A 
replie  to  Mr.  Clyfton's  plea." 

It  seems  remarkable  that  Francis  Johnson  was  the  only 
one  of  them  who  treated  the  dispute  on  baptism  in  a 
strictly  objective  manner,  exempt  from  all  personalities. 
Probably  on  account  thereof,  Smyth  passed  over  in  silence 
Johnson's  book  "  A  brief  treatise  containing  some  grounds 
and  reasons  against  two  errors  of  the  Anabaptists."  The 
imprint  book  bears  no  date,  but  must  have  been  published 
at  the  end  of  1609  or  in  1610,  and  certainly  after  1608,  the 
date  fixed  by  Underbill  ("  Tracts  on  liberty  of  religion," 
page  73). 

Moreover,  one  J.  H.    ("none  of   Rabbles  but  one  of  the 


120  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

unlearned  babies  "  published  in  1610  a  vehement  pamphlet 
against  John  Smyth. 

The  attacks  upon  Brownism  by  Joseph  Hall,  the  after- 
wards famous  bishop  of  Norwich,  produced  little  effect, 
being  considered  as  chiefly  directed  against  Robinson  and 
Smyth  individually.  Joseph  Hall's  letter  precedes  Robinson's 
answer  to  it  in  his  Works  IH,  page  401.  No  reply  was  re- 
turned to  Joseph  Hall's  "A  Common  Apology  of  the 
Church  of  England,  in  1610,"  he  ridiculed  Robinson  : — 
"  what  is,  become  of  your  partner,  yea,  your  guide?  Woe 
is  me  !  he  hath  washed  off  his  former  water  with  new,  he 
hath  washed  off  thy  font-water  as  unclean  and  hath  written 
desperately  both  against  thee  and  his  own  fellows." 

This  paper- war,  I  repeat,  was  not  at  all  fatal  to  the  con- 
gregation. Danger  did  not  threaten  from  without,  but 
perils  were  hidden  within. 

The  effects  of  Smyth's  objections,  to  submit  the  brother- 
hood to  the  power  of  the  Consistory,  were  still  operative  on 
many  members.  To  that  question,  and  not  to  the  con- 
troversy with  John  Smyth,  who  had  departed  from  the 
Brownists  for  ever,  Bradford  refers  in  his  "  Plymouth  Plan- 
tation," page  16.  He  there  states  as  one  reason  for  John 
Robinson's  removal  to  Leyden,  in  May  1609  —  "the 
flames  of  contention  were  like  to  breake  out  in  the  anciente 
church  itselfe,  as  afterwards  lamentably  came  to  pass." 

Indeed,  the  twenty-fourth  article  of  the  Confession  of 
Faith  says,  that  Christ  had  given  the  power  of  admitting 
and  cutting  off  members  to  the  body  of  the  church,  of  each 
congregation  and  not  to  any  particular  common  person, 
though  with  this  restriction  that  every  man  ought  to  do  his 
utmost  and  use  the  most  meet  member  to  pronounce  sen- 
tence in  the  public  assembly.  Doubtless,  the  power  of  ex- 
communication was,  therefore,  in  the  whole  brotherhood. 
It  was  nowise  abridged  of  this  right  by  the  nineteenth  and 
twenty-sixth   articles.       Concerning   Shepherds,    teachers. 


Congregation  of  Francis  Johnson  121 

elders,  deacons  :  particular  persons  whose  official  duties  are 
to  rule,  oversee,  visit  and  watch  over  the  church." 

Henry  Ainsvvorth  agreed  to  the  same  opinion  in  his 
"Communion  of  Saints  "  he  advocated  the  members'  rights 
by  referring  to  the  Apostles'  days,  when  the  body  of  be- 
lievers took  part  in  church  affairs,  elected,  ordained,  if 
necessity  be,  punished  their  ministers,  decided  in  matters 
of  question  and  dispute,  and  punished  or  cut  off  impenitents 
by  excommunication.  These  privileges,  he  argues,  pertain 
to  all  members  of  all  congregations,  but  in  order  that  this 
power  be  used  with  discretion  and  in  a  proper  way,  be  ex- 
ceeded or  abused,  to  the  detriment  of  others,  the  ministers 
are  to  see  to  it.  Consequently,  these  only  were  qualified 
to  prepare  and  direct  affairs  ;  but  elections  and  taking 
resolutions  pertain  exclusively  to  the  congregation. 

On  discipline  Henry  Ainsvvorth  wrote  :  ("  Communion  of 
Saints,"  chapters  i8  and  22)  : — "  chiefly  this  pertaineth  to 
the  ministers  and  watchmen  of  the  church", — to  which, 
however,  precedes  : — "  the  keeping  of  these  rules  belongeth 
to  all  the  saints,  as  the  commandments  directed  of  old  to 
the  children  of  Israel  and  in  the  New  Testament  to  all  the 
brethren  and  church  do  show."  Still  more  positively,  he 
defines  it  in  his  "  Animadversion  to  Mr.  Clyfton's  advertise- 
ment, 1613  ": — for  the  people  being  kings  we  neither  taught 
nor  do  teach  otherwise  than  as  we  always  professed,  namely: 
that  they  are  a  royal  priesthood,  made  by  Christ  unto  God, 
kings  and  priests,  and  that  reign  on  the  earth,  not  one  over 
another,  but  one  with  another.  Every  Christian  is  a  king 
and  priest  unto  God,  to  spy  out,  censure  and  cut  down  sin, 
as  it  ariseth,  with   that   two-edged    sword,  that  proceedeth 

out  of  Christ's  mouth To  the  ministers  it  is  given 

to  feed,  govern  and  guide  the  Church,  but  not  themselves 
to  be  the  Church  and  to  challenge  the  power  of  the  same  in 
things   pertaining    to    the    Kingdom  of    God   ....   Such 


122  History  of  the  Frke  Churchmen 

giving  place  to  the  ursupatiou  of  the  ministers  was  the 
means  of  Antichrist's  beginning  and  climbing  to  his  pre- 
eminence, which,  had  the  people  resisted  at  first  and  prac- 
tised the  Gospel  in  the  order  set  by  Christ,  he  could  not 
have  prevailed  ....  If  the  holding  otherwise  in  judg- 
ment should  let  the  true  practice  of  the  Gospel  go,  posterity 
after  us  being  brought  into  bondage,  might  justly  blame 
and  curse  us,  that  would  not  stand  for  the  right  of  the  peo- 
ple in  that,  which  we  acknowledge  to  be  their  due." 

This  was  not  Francis  Johnson's  opinion,  nor  that  of  his 
elders  Studley  and  Blackwell.  Bradford  ("  Plymouth 
Plantation  "  page  39)  says  : — "  Blackwell  declined  from  the 
truth  with  Mr.  Johnson  and  the  rest  and  went  with  him, 
when  they  parted  asunder  in  that  wofuU  manner,  which 
brought  so  great  dishonour  to  God,  scandall  to  the  truth 
and  outward  ruine  to  themselves  in  this  world." 

Johnson  was  too  jealous  of  his  authority,  and  had  too 
often  been  thwarted  by  the  resolutions  of  the  brotherhood — 
we  remember  the  difference  with  his  brother  George — to 
submit  to  the  established  order.  According  to  him,  it  was 
a  fruitful  source  of  odd  opinions  and  errors,  of  lamentable 
discords  and  schism,  of  aversion  and  opposition  to  the  Con- 
sistory, of  contention  and  dissension  between  the  congrega- 
tion. 

Johnson's  opinion  displayed  itself  since  1608  :  first  before 
John  Smyth,  and  next  before  Henry  Ainsworth,  and  is  best 
known  by  the  remonstrance  written  by  him  in  1610  and 
published  in  1611,  under  the  title  of: — "  A  short  treatise 
concerning  the  exposition  of  these  words  of  Christ  : — "  tell 
it  unto  the  Church",  etc.  (Matthew  XVHI,  17). 

In  the  "Apology  of  the  Brownists "  (1604)  he  had 
maintained  that  the  church  has  the  same  power  to  cast  out 
as  to  admit  and  add  members  to  it.  Otherwise,  the  word 
"  Church  "  of  Christ,  as  used  in  Matthew  XVII,  17,  could 


Congregation  of  Francis  Johnson  123 

not  be  taken  for  the  whole  body  of  the  church,  but  only  for 
some  of  its  members,  viz  :  the  elders  or  bishops.  He  had 
now,  however,  come  to  the  conclusion  that  this  theory  was 
false  and  could  not  be  proved  from  the  Scriptures.  Refer- 
ring to  various  portions  of  the  Old  Testament,  wherein  the 
"whole  congregation  of  Israel  "  clearly  means  the  "  elders 
or  judges",  he  said  that  Jesus'  words,  Matthew  XVIII,  17  : 
Church"  had  no  other  morning  than  : — tell  it  unto  the 
Consistory. 

Here  he  followed  John  Calvin  in  his  exegesis.  To  illus- 
trate this  view  of  his  he  shows  how  the  sisters,  if  matters 
of  church-discipline  were  to  be  discussed  in  the  public 
assembly  for  worship,  would  be  deprived  of  their  right  of 
accusation,  as  according  to  I  Corinthians  XIV,  34  and  35, 
they  are  to  keep  silence  in  the  church.  But  he  states  "the 
church,  spoken  of  Matthew  XVIII,  17,  is  such  an  assembly 
where  women  may  speak  and  be  heard  in  their  cases  and 
pleas,  as  well  as  men,  whereas  by  the  Apostle's  doctrine 
from  the  Law,  it  is  not  permitted  to  women  to  speak  in  the 
churches  of  the  saints,  when  the  whole  church  cometh 
together  for  the  worship  of  God." 

Paget  in  his  "Arrow  against  the  Separation  "  reproaches 
the  Brownists  thus:  — "You  turn  the  Lord's  day  into  a 
session  or  courtday,  omitting  and  thrusting  out  in  part 
sometimes  the  administration  of  the  Word  and  sacraments 
by  spending  so  much  time  in  controversies  and  contentions." 

Francis  Johnson,  pointed  out  also  the  difficulties  arising 
when  these  matters  could  not  all  be  finished  on  a  Sunday, 
as  it  was  known  by  experience  that  on  a  week  day,  seldom 
half  of  the  congregation  was  present.  He  says  : — "  As  our 
estate  is,  we  could  hear  no  matters  of  controversy  between 
the  brethren  out  on  the  Lord's  day,  and  we  have  done 
amiss  in  that  very  practice,  when  we  heard  matters  on  the 
week  day,  as  we  have  been  wont,  at  which  time  there  was 
seldom  half  the  church  together." 


124  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

Plenty  of  reasons,  there  were,  he  concludes,  why  the  whole 
church-discipline  should  be  committed  exclusively  to  the 
Consistory. 

This  may  not  conform  to  the  Confession  of  Faith,  but 
"divers  things,  heretofore  observed  among  us  at  first,  we 
have  since  altered  and  do  from  time  to  time  alter  and 
amend,  as  God  giveth  us  by  his  Word  to  discern  better 
therein."  Though  apparently  contrary  to  the  letter  of 
Jesus'  prescript,  it  would  only  be  Anabaptistical  slaver}'  of 
the  letter  to  be  kept  from  it  on  account  thereof." 

In  the  preface  to  the  aforesaid  treatise,  he  speaks  of  the 
Anabaptists  pressing  the  letter  and  he  spares  no  trouble  to 
"discover  the  erroneous  confused  courses  of  the  Ana- 
baptists." With  the  same  sort  of  slavery  of  the  letter,  he 
reproaches  the  Mennonites,  because  of  their  explanation  of 
Matthew  XXVIII,  iq  ;  v.  34  and  39  ;  and  he  thus  con- 
cludes : — "so  have  many  of  us  done  likewise  about  these 
words  of  Christ,  Matthew  XVIII,  17." 

According  to  Francis  Johnson,  the  congregation  or 
brotherhood  had  consequently  no  power  whatever  over 
matters  of  discipline.  It  belonged  to  it  only  to  appoint  and, 
in  case  of  vacancies,  to  supplement  the  Consistory.  In 
opposition  to  the  whole  congregation,  the  Consistory  could 
excommunicate  a  member,  and  never,  not  even  if  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Consistory  is  found  to  be  heretical  or  absolutely 
wicked  and  immoral,  has  the  congregation  a  right  to  depose 
him  or  reject  him  from  the  church. 

Henry  Ainsworth  was  flat  against  this  innovation.  This 
•is  shown  in  his  "An  Animadversion  to  Mr,  Clyfton's 
Advertisement,"  published  in  1613.  The  controversy  grew 
worse  and  became  quite  personal  when  the  well  known  elder 
Daniel  Studley  was  accused  of  immorality  and  fifteen 
brethren  insisted  on  his  dismissal. 

In  an  answer   to    the  accusations  and    objections  against 


Congregation  of  Francis  John.son  125 

him,  Studley  owned  that  his  conduct  had  been  unseemly, 
but  denied  that  he  was  guilty  of  what  had  been  laid  to  his 
charge.  Of  the  efforts  to  depose  him,  he  says  : — "  here  was 
a  beginning  to  tread  the  pathway  unto  popular  government, 
the  very  bane  to  all  good  order  in  church  and  commonweal." 

Yet  Henry  Ainsworth  always  cherished  the  hope  of  com- 
ing to  an  understanding.  He  suggested  at  first  that  all 
be  forgiven  and  forgotten,  provided  the  congregation's 
rights  be  not  abridged  in  future.  This  proposal  was 
rejected.  He  next  advised  the  separation  of  his  followers 
from  them  in  peace,  to  organize  a  distinct  church  next  to 
theirs,  but  associated  with  them  in  brotherly  love  and  con- 
cord. 

This  proposition  was  also  rejected — unless  they  removed 
permanently  out  of  Amsterdam,  but  this  on  account  of  the 
necessity  of  gaining  their  livelihood,  was  rather  impractic- 
able. Finally  he  said,  let  us  refer  to  Robinson's  Church  of 
Leyden  for  a  friendly  council  and  intervention.  This, 
indeed,  agrees  with  Article  38  of  the  Confession  of  Faith, 
dictating: — "in  case  of  weighty  matter  or  extreme  diffi- 
culties to  assist  the  one  the  other  in  word  and  deed." 

Francis  Johnson,  however,  stated  that  this  stipulation 
should  be  void,  as  soon  as  disputes  had  arisen  in  a  church. 
In  the  present  case,  they  had  better  ask  the  opinion  of  the 
Dutch  Reformed,  or  of  the  Walloon  churches.  No  wonder  ! 
Both  vested  the  power  of  discipline  and  excommunication 
in  the  Consistory,  while  John  Robinson  and  his  church  fol- 
lowed the  usages  defended  by  Henry  Ainsworth.  At  the 
utmost,  and  only  as  an  unavoidable  evil,  Francis  Johnson 
and  his  Consistory,  they  said,  would  admit  the  intervention 
of  the  Leyden  Church,  if  this  one  did  so  of  its  own  accord, 
or  was  privately  asked  for  it. 

Some  thirty  brethren,  siding  with  Henry  Ainsworth, 
made   the  attempt.     An  official    invitation,   however,  was 


126  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

required.  The  Leyden  Consistory  wavered  a  long  time  in 
coming  to  a  decision.  All  that  was  effected  was  that  Henry 
Ainsworth,  who  had  been  dismissed,  was  restored  to  his 
office,  and  finally,  November  14,  1610,  it  was  suggested 
that  henceforth  church-discipline  should  be  committed  to 
the  Consistory,  and  in  case  of  diversity  of  opinion  only,  to 
lay  the  matter  before  the  brotherhood  and  then  decide  the 
concurrence  of  the  Consistory. 

It  was  all  in  vain.  Francis  Johnson  rejected  the  idea. 
He  made  the  counter  proposal  that  Henry  Ainsworth  and 
his  followers  should  transfer  their  membership  to  Robinson's 
Church.  For  the  sake  of  peace  they  were  about  to  do  so, 
when  Johnson  stipulated  that  they  must  remove  out  of 
Amsterdam  forever  and  settle  down  in  Leyden.  Herein 
they  could  not  acquiesce. 

As  said  before,  to  give  up  their  livelihood  here  in  Amster- 
dam would  mean  total  ruin  to  themselves  and  their  families. 

Still  always  hoping  that  Johnson  might  change  his  mind, 
they,  at  the  instance  of  Ainsworth,  put  on  patience  as  a 
garment  and  wore  it  for  a  great  length  of  time. 

The  Leyden  congregation  praised  them  for  the  "  peacable 
inclination  which  they  manifested,"  but  could  not  better 
their  condition.  "What  could  we  do  else,  exclaimed 
Ainsworth  wofully,  than  shake  off  the  dust  of  our  feet 
towards  these  zealots  for  errors  and  peace  breakers,  though 
we  do  not  doubt  whether  we  ourselves,  in  consequence  of 
ignorance  and  imperfectness,  have  done  a  good  deal  of 
wrong  during  our  great  sufferings  and  troubles,  for  which 
we  have  pray  ad  God,  and  do  still  always  pray,  so  that  even 
our  hidden  sins  may  be  forgiven." 

Though  the  sad  dispute  had  started  early  in  the  spring  of 
1609,  when  John  Robinson  was  prompted  to  depart  from 
Amsterdam,  the  attempts  to  come  to  an  agreement  lasted  a 
full  year  from  December  1609.  At  last  Henry  Ainsworth's 
followers,  Francis  Johnson  says,   divided   themselves  from 


Congregation  of  Francis  Johnson  127 

us,   which   they    professed  that  day  and  parted  the  next, 
December  15  and  16,  1610.* 

Now  Francis  Johnson  dismissed  Henry  Ainsworth  from 
his  office  immediately.  Both  I^awne  and  Paget  state  this 
conclusively.  The  latter  says:  "  you  being  deposed  from 
the  office  of  a  teacher  by  Mr.  Johnson  and  his  company  for 
your  schism  and  rending  from  him.  "  Baillie  in  his  "  Dis- 
suasive," page  15,  maintains  that  they  excommunicated, 
to  and  fro,  each  other  with  solemity.  Yet  Cotton,  in  his 
"  Way  of  Congregational  Churches,"  page  6,  denies  such 
on  the  part  of  Henry  Ainsworth.  He  says  :  "  Mr.  Ains- 
worth and  his  Company  did  not  excommunicate  Mr. 
Johnson  and  his,  but  only  withdrew  from  them." 


*  Dexter  ("Congregationalism,"  page  331,  note  155)  gathered, 
from  what  Paget  in  his  "  Arrow  against  the  separation  "  says,  that 
the  separating  did  not  take  place  until  the  25th  of  December,  and 
Johnson,  consequently,  adherred,  in  his  statement,  to  the  Old  vStyle. 
This  strikes  me  as  improbable,  as  the  new  style  is  always  found 
among  the  Brownists,  residing  in  Holland.  Indeed,  Paget's  words 
seem  rather  to  refer  to  the  first  divine  service  held  by  Ainsworth  after 
the  separation  of  December  25,  1610  ;  being  on  a  Monday  :  "  a  mem- 
orable token  at  one  time  especially,  the  time  of  your  rending  from 
Mr.  Johnson,  being  on  a  Christmas  day  so  called,  unto  which  day 
you  had  changed  the  ordinary  time  of  your  assembling  in  the  week. ' ' 


CHAPTER   XVII 

The  Johnsonians  and  the  Ainsworthians 

''"T^EN  days  after  their  separation  from  Johnson's  Congre- 
-^  gation,  it  was  on  a  second  Christmas-day,  the  Ains- 
worthians held  their  first  divine  service  in  a  spacious  room, 
where  once  some  Jews  had  assembled  for  worship,  before 
the  first  public  synagogue  was  erected  at  Amsterdam  in  1612. 

Paget  ("Arrow  of  Separation,"  page  26)  reproaches 
them  for  this  :  — "  you  have  not  refused  after  your  division 
and  rent  from  Mr.  Johnson  to  meet  together  for  the  service 
of  God  in  the  idol-temple  of  the  Jews,  where  they  had 
exercised  their  idol-service  before  you." 

Unfortunately,  this  room  happened  to  be  in  a  building 
next  door  but  one  to  the  Johnsonians'  old  meeting-place. 
It  was  inevitable  that  the  church-goers  of  Henry  Ainsworth 
and  of  Francis  Johnson  should  meet  one  another.  Now 
those  who  used  to  present  jointly  their  prayers  to  God,  who 
were  closely  connected  to  each  other  by  sharing  the  hard- 
ships of  exile,  who  had  become  allied  by  marriage,  or  were, 
far  more  still,  joined  by  the  most  tender  ties  of  blood — saw 
the  one  the  other  go  in  at  different  doors  to  perform  their 
worship. 

There  were  a  good  many,  who  wept  bitter  tears  produced 
by  this  separation.  They  could  not  stand  the  exclusion 
from  their  circle  of  so  large  a  number  of  pious  persons,  who 
had  been  dear  to  them  from  childhood.  Day  and  night 
they  prayed  that  conformity  might  be  restored.  Yet  they 
durst  not  show  a  friendly  face  to  the  beloved  Separatists, 
lest  they  might  incur  punishment.  To  avoid  the  congrega- 
tion's displeasure,  anything  was  borne.  Even  Christian 
Lawne,  one  of  their  most  violent  opponents,  bears  witness  to 
this,  in  his  "  Brownisme  turned  the  Inside  outward  16 13." 

Before  long  there  were  even  new  reasons  for  provocation 


The  Johnsonians  and  the  Ainsworthians      129 

and  affliction.  In  1612  a  libel  was  published,  entitled: 
"  C.  Hutton,  the  prophane  Schisme  of  the  Brownists  or 
Separatists,  with  the  impietie,  dissensions,  lewd  and  abom- 
inable vices  of  that  impure  sect,  discovered  by  C.  Lawne, 
J.  Fowler,  C.  Saunders,  R.  Bulward,  lately  returned  from 
the  companie  of  Mr.  Johnson,  that  wicked  brother,  into  the 
bosome  of  the  Church  of  England,  their  true  Mother." 

This  screed  represented  matters  and  events  in  the  most 
malicious  manner.  It  repeated  the  accusations  against 
Thomas  White.  Its  chief  purpose  was  to  bring  Francis 
Johnson  and  his  friend  Studley  into  contempt.  Nor  did  it 
spare  Henry  Ainsworth.  It  was  cunningly  struck  out  by 
four  men,  formerly  members  of  Johnson's  church,  but;  ex- 
communicated July  25,  161 1,  for  having  joined  the  Presby- 
terians of  Amsterdam. 

Richard  Clyfton  argued  against  this  libel  in  his  book, 
"An  advertisement  concerning  a  Book  lately  published  by 
Christian  Lawne  and  others,  161 2".  This  pamphlet  con- 
tained for  the  greater  part  Johnson  and  Studley's  argu- 
ments. 

After  Ainsworth's  departure,  Richard  Clyfton  became 
teacher  in  Johnson's  congregation.  To  him  Johnson  refers 
when  saying:  "one  that  was  minister  in  the  Church  of 
England  and  since  chosen  teacher  of  this  church  and 
received  among  us  without  any  new  imposition  of  hands." 

The  Ainsworthians  answered  Johnson,  in  regard  to  this 
innovation,  which  the  latter  defended  by  saying,  there  had 
already  been  imposition  of  hands  when  Clyfton  was  ordained 
minister  of  the  State-church,  and  that  there  was  no  more 
ground  for  repeating  it  than  to  rebaptize  a  person  who  had 
been  baptized  in  the  Church  of  England."  According  to 
Hunter,  Clyfton  had  been  minister  at  Babworth. 

Clyfton's  defence  provoked  a  new,  equally  unworthy,  and 
still  fiercer  attack,  by  the  same  four  persons,  under  the 
title:   "  Brownisme    turned    the    Inside   outward,    being   a 


130  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

Parallel  between  the  Profession  and  the  Practice  of  the 
Brownists  Religion."  It  came  forth  in  1613,  and  not  in 
1603,  as  Hanbury,  though  generally  correct,  misstates,  in 
his  "  Memorials,"  page  100,  and  in  consequence  thereof 
ranges  it  in  an  entirely  wrong  chronological  order. 

Another  attempt  to  refute  Ainsworth's  assertions  concern- 
ing the  splitting  up  of  the  congregation  is  entitled  :  "An 
animadversion    to    Mr.    Richard    Clyfton's   advertisement, 

1613." 

All  these  investigations  of  the  controversy  between  the 
Johnsonians  or  Franciscans  and  the  Ainsworthians, — as  the 
separated  congregations  are  now  called  :  Christian  Lawne 
speaks  of  the  "  Franciscan  side,  were  of  course  fatal  to  a 
reconciliation.  The  breach,  daily  widened  by  the  quarrel 
which  sprang  up  over  the  property  in  the  church  building. 

During  this  difficulty  and  in  persuading  his  followers  to 
acquiesce  in  the  loss  and  not  carry  the  case  before  the  mag- 
istrate. But  at  last,  in  1612,  three  members,  two  brethren 
and  one  sister,  who  at  the  time  had  contributed  the  largest 
amount  to  the  building  of  the  church  desired  to  submit 
their  claim  to  the  judgment  of  impartial  arbitrators. 

When  Johnson  was  not  prepared  to  agree  to  this  course, 
to  call  forth  a  verdict  of  the  government,  Ainsworth's  con- 
gregation, though  averse  from  going  to  law,  considered 
itself  disqualified  to  forbid  some  of  its  members  from  so 
doing. 

The}^  appointed  beforehand  a  committee,  in  case  the  mag- 
istrate might  require  them  to  produce  evidence  of  their 
rights  against  those  of  Francis  Johnson's  congregation. 

First,  the  burgomasters,  and  then  aldermen  proposed  a 
friendly  arbitration.  But  Johnson  and  his  people  disagreed 
with  this  view  and  maintained  their  right  of  property  to  the 
church  building,  saying  the  ground  belonged  to  one  of  their 
members,  and  accordingly  everything  upon  it  fell  to  them. 
The  proposition  was  dropped,  and   the  aforesaid  committee 


The  Johnsonians  and  the  Ainsworthians       131 

saw   itself   compelled    to   plead  the  rights  of    Ainsworth's 
congregation. 

It  was  then  argued  that  Johnson's  congregation  had  acted 
contrary  to  the  Confession  of  Faith  (Art.  23,  24,  29,  31,  32, 
33  and  38)  by  abridging  the  power  of  the  brotherhood  in 
favor  of  that  of  the  Consistory;  by  using  in  Clyfton's 
instalment  no  further  imposition  of  hands  ;  by  considering 
the  Church  of  England,  nay,  even  the  Church  of  Rome  as 
the  true  Church  of  God,  and  finally  by  rejecting  the  advice 
and  assistance  of  a  congregation  of  fellow  believers,  like 
the  one  of  Leyden. 

To  this  document,  sent  to  aldermen  and  inserted  in 
Lawne's  "  Prophane  schisme,"  I  could  find  no  allusion  in 
the  Amsterdam  records. 

John  Robinson's  refutation  of  Richard  Bernard,  published 
in  1610  and  entitled:  "  A  justification  of  separation  from 
the  Church  of  England,"  raised  once  more  among  the 
Brownists  the  question  about  the  "  true  church." 

Francis  Johnson,  who  used  to  be  of  a  quite  different 
opinion,  affirmed  now  in  his  only  "  A  Christian  plea,"  1617, 
page  137,  "that  even  the  Church  of  Rome  is  the  Church 
and  temple  of  God,  as  Judah  likewise  and  Israel  of  old  were 
in  the  time  of  their  apostacies  :  how  much  more  then  should 
we  so  esteem  of  the  Church  of  England."  He  made  a 
sharp  distinction  between  the  Church  itself,  which  he  still 
considered  as  divine,  and  the  church-order,  which  he 
considered  as  entirely  corrupted. 

Henry  Ainsworth,  however,  persisted  in  his  former 
opinion,  while  John  Robinson  suggested  a  middle  course. 
John  Paget,  in  his  "  An  arrow  against  the  separation,  1618," 
states:  "some  separate  from  the  Church  of  England  for 
corruptions  and  yet  confess  both  it  and  Rome  also  to  be  a 
true  church  as  the  followers  of  Mr.  Johnson.  Some  re- 
nounce the  Church  of  England  as  a  false  church,  and  yet 
allow  private   communion  with   the  godly  therein,  as  Mr. 


132  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

Robinson  and  his  followers.  Some  renounce  all  religious 
communion,  both  public  and  private,  with  anj'  members  of 
that  Church  whosoever,  as  Mr.  Ainsworth  and  such  as 
hearken  unto  him,  being  deepest  and  stiffest  in  their 
schism." 

Perhaps  foreseeing  the  possibility  that  the  aldermen  were 
to  apply  for  particulars  to  some  of  the  friends  in  England, 
who  had  contributed  to  the  costs  of  the  construction  of  the 
Church,  the  committee  also  sent  the  necessary  information 
thither.  I  infer  this  from  Clyfton's  complaint,  in  his 
"Advertisement:"  "they  have  given  out  the  like,  (viz. 
the  communicated  articles  of  difference)  in  letters  sent  unto 
England.  Seeing  that  therein  they  have  not  as  they  ought 
handled  and  justified  the  causes,  for  which  they  separated 
from  us,  but  do  infinite  blame  unto  our  doctrine,  as  if  we 
maintained  opinions  contrary  tQ  the  truth,  and  that  others 
also  in  our  own  country  prejudiced  with  these  matters  and 
sinisterly  professed  with  some  of  their  writings  against  us 
and  our  cause  are  likewise  corrupted,  we  have  thought  it 
good  not  to  keep  these  things  any  longer  private  by  us." 

The  decision  was  as  might  be  expected.  Francis  Johnson 
had,  in  1612,  to  give  up  the  Church  edifice  with  the  an- 
nexed dwellings  and  pass  them  over  to  Ainsworth  and  his 
people.  Paget  affirms  in  his  "  Heresiography,"  page  58, 
that  the  magistrate  found  for  the  plaintiffs,  who  this  time 
again  were  not  treated  as  a  congregation,  but  as  private 
persons. 

Being  now  without  dwellings,  Francis  Johnson  went  with 
some  of  his  people  to  Emden,  upon  mere  hope.  But  they 
did  not  prosper  and  after  some  time  returned. 

Robert  Cushman  imputed  their  failure  chiefly  to  Black- 
well.  When  quoting  from  Baillie,  "Dissuasive",  page  15 
he  says  : — "  Johnson  with  his  side  of  the  house  got  away  to 
Emden,"  the  Dutch  theologian  Johannes  Hoornbeck  and 
the  Dutch    historian  George  Horn,  or  Hornius,   add   that 


The  Johnsonians  and  the  Ainsworthians       133 

Henry  Ainsworth  repaired  to  Ireland  and  shortly  afterwards 
returned  to  Amsterdam.  Neal,  in  his  "  Puritans,"  I,  page 
421  repeats  this  information.  It  is  probably  a  misrepre- 
sentation. Indeed,  Henry  Ainsworth  had  visited  Ireland, 
and  even  gained  there  some  adherents,  but  it  was  in  1593. 

At  his  return  Francis  Johnson  resumed  his  office,  which 
he  filled  till  his  death,  January  7,  1618.  Bradford  ("  Dia- 
logue by  Young,"  page  445)  states  : — "  he  died  at  Amster- 
dam after  his  return  from  Emden." 

The  burial  of  Johnson  took  place  on  January  10,  accord- 
ing to  a  note  by  Slade,  and  communicated  by  Waddington 
in  his  "Congregational  History,"  page  192.  From  these 
authors  we  gather  that  Francis  Johnson,  shortly  before  his 
death  sent  a  petition  to  England  to  be  allowed  to  repatriate  ; 
which  request,  however,  was  refused. 

Towards  the  end  of  his  life,  Johnson  once  more  attacked 
the  defenders  of  baptism  on  profession  of  faith,  and  also  the 
Remonstrants  or  Arminians  with  their  five  articles.  This 
treatise  was  entitled  :  "A  christian  plea  containing  three 
treatises  :  the  first  touching  the  Anabaptists  and  others 
maintaining  some  like  errors  with  them  :  the  second  touch- 
ing such  Christians  as  now  are  here  commonly  called  Re- 
monstrants or  Arminians  ;  the  third  touching  the  Reformed 
Churches  with  whom  myself  do  agree  in  the  faith  of  the 
Gospel  of  our  Eord  Jesus  Christ." 

He  styles  himself  on  the  title  page: — "  pastor  of  the 
ancient  English  church  now  sojourning  at  Amsterdam", 
which  proves  also  that,  after  his  return  from  Emden  he  had 
a  congregation  of  his  own  at  Amsterdam.  The  treatise  was 
apparently  written  on  purpose  to  refute  Henry  Ainsworth, 
John  Smyth  and  Thomas  Helwys,  and  at  the  same  time 
to  hold  a  closer  communion  with  the  Dutch  Reformed 
church.  It  is,  therefore,  very  probable  that  most  of  his 
followers,  whose  pastor  Clyfton  had  already  died  two  years 
earlier.  May  20,  1616,  and  not  September  3,  1613,  as  Wad- 


134  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

dington  in  his  "  Congregational  History,"  page  159,  mis- 
states— transferred  their  membership  to  that  church  after 
Francis  Johnson's  death.  Besides,  few  joined  the  emi- 
grants accompanying  their  elder  Blackwell  when  going  at 
haphazard  to  Virginia,  in  the  autumn  of  1618.  About  that 
voyage  Bradford  in  his  "  History  of  Plymouth  Plantation  " 
saj'S  : — 

"  Captaine  Argoll,  the  first  treasurer  and  governor  of  the 
Virginia  Company,  is  come  home  this  weeke  (he  upon 
notice  of  ye  inteute  of  ye  Counsell,  came  away  before  Sr. 
George  Yeardly  came  ther,  and  so  ther  is  no  small  dissen- 
tion.)  But  his  tidings  are  ill,  though  his  person  be  wel- 
come. He  said  Mr.  Blackwells  shipe  came  not  ther  till 
March  i6ig,  but  going  towards  winter,  they  had  still  nor- 
west  winds,  which  carried  them  to  the  southward  beyond 
their  course.  And  ye  Mr  of  ye  ship  &  some  6  of  ye  marin- 
ers dicing,  it  seemed  they  could  not  find  ye  baj',  till  after 
long  seeking  &  beating  aboute.  Mr.  Blackwell  is  dead  & 
Mr.  Maggner,  ye  captain  ;  yea,  ther  are  dead,  he  said,  130 
persons,  one  &  other  in  ye  ship  ;  it  is  said  ther  was  in  all 
an  180  persons  in  ye  ship,  so  as  they  were  packed  together 
like  herings.  The}'^  had  amongst  them  ye  fluxe,  and  allso 
wante  of  fresh  water  ;  so  as  it  is  hear  rather  wondred  at  yt 
so  many  are  alive,  then  that  so  many  are  dead.  The  mar- 
chants  hear  say  it  was  Mr.  Blackwells  faulte  to  pack  so 
many  in  ye  ship  ;  yea,  &  ther  were  great  mutterings  & 
repinings  amongst  them,  and  upbraiding  of  Mr.  Blackwell, 
for  his  dealing  and  "disposing  of  them,  when  the}-  saw  how 
he  had  dispossed  of  them  &  how  he  insulted  over  them. 
Yea,  ye  streets  of  Gravesend  runge  of  their  extreame  quar- 
relings,  crying  out  one  of  another,  Thou  hast  brought  me 
to  this,  and,  I  may  thanke  the  for  this.  Heavie  newes  it 
is,  and  I  would  be  glad  to  heare  how  farr  it  will  discourage 
I  see  none  hear  discouraged  much,  but  rather  desire  to  larne 
to  beware  by  other  mens  harmes,  and  to  amend  that  wherin 


The  Johnsonians  and  the  Ainsworthians       135 

they  have  failed.  As  we  desire  to  serve  one  another  in 
love,  so  take  heed  of  being  inthraled  by  any  imperious  per- 
sone,  espetially  if  they  be  discerned  to  have  an  eye  to  them 
selves.  It  doth  often  trouble  me  to  thiuke  that  in  this 
bussines  we  are  all  to  learne  and  none  to  teach  ;  but  better 
so,  then  to  depend  upon  such  teachers  as  Mr.  Blackwell  was. 
Such  a  strategene  he  once  made  for  Mr.  Johnson  &  his 
people  at  Emden,  wth  was  their  subversion.  But  though 
he  ther  clenlily  (yet  unhonstly)  plucked  his  neck  out  of  ye 
collar,  yet  at  last  his  foote  is  caught.  Hear  are  no  letters 
come,  ye  ship  Captain  Argole  came  in  is  yet  in  ye  west 
parts  all  yt  we  hear  is  but  his  report  ;  it  seemeth  he  came 
away  secretly.  The  ship  yt  Mr.  Blackwell  went  in  will  be 
hear  shortly.  It  is  as  Mr.  Robinson  once  said,  he  thought 
we  should  hear  no  good  of  them. 

Mr.  B(lackwell)  is  not  well  at  this  time  ;  whether  he  will 
come  back  to  you  or  goe  into  ye  north,  I  yet  know  not. 
For  my  selfe,  I  hope  to  see  an  end  of  this  business  ere  I 
come,  though  I  am  sorie  to  be  thus  from  you,  if  things  had 
gone  soundly  forward,  I  should  have  been  with  you  within 
these  14  days.  I  pray  God  directe  us,  and  give  us  that 
spirite  which  is  fitting  for  such  a  business.  Thus  having 
sumarily  pointed  at  things  Mr.  Brewster  (I  thinke)  hath 
more  largely  write  of  to  Mr.  Robinson,  I  leave  you  to  the 
lyord's  protection." 

Signed  and  dated  : 

Robert  Cushman 
London,  May  8,  An°  1619. 

William  Bradford  continues  : 

"  A  word  or  tow  by  way  of  digression  touching  this  Mr. 
Blackwell  ;  he  was  an  elder  of  ye  church  at  Amsterdam,  a 
man  well  known  of  most  of  them.  He  declined  from  ye 
truth  wth  Mr.  Johnson  &  ye  rest,  and  went  with  him  when 
yey  parted  asunder  in  yt  wofuU  nianer,  wth  brought  so 
gieat  dishonour  to  God,  scandall  to  ye  trueth,  &  outward 


136  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

ruine  to  them  selves  in  this  world.  But  I  hope,  notwith- 
standing, though  ye  mercies  of  ye  Lord,  their  souls  are  now 
et  rest  with  him  in  ye  heavens,  and  yt  they  are  arrived  in 
ye  Haven  of  hapiuess  ;  though  some  of  their  bodies  were 
thus  buried  in  ye  terrable  seas,  and  others  sunke  under  ye 
burthen  of  bitter  afflictions.  He  with  some  others  had  pre- 
pared for  to  goe  to  Virginia.  And  he,  with  sundrie  godly 
citizens,  being  at  a  private  meting  (I  take  it  a  fast)  in 
Loudon,  being  discovered,  many  of  them  were  apprehended, 
wherof  Mr.  Blackwell  was  one  ;  but  he  so  glosed  with  ye 
bps,  and  dissembled  or  flatly  denyed  ye  trueth  which  for- 
merly he  had  maintained  ;  and  not  only  so,  but  very  un- 
worthily betrayed  and  accused  another  godly  man  who  had 
escaped,  but  so  he  might  slip  his  own  neck  out  of,  ye  collar, 
&  to  obtaine  his  owne  freedome  brought  others  into  bonds. 
Wherupon  he  so  wone  ye  bps  favour  (but  lost  ye  Lord's) 
as  he  was  not  only  dismiste,  but  in  open  courte  ye  arch- 
bishop gave  him  great  applause  and  his  sollemne  blessing 
to  proceed  in  his  vioage.  But  if  such  events  follow  ye 
bps  blessings,  happie  are  they  yt  misse  ye  same  ;  it  is  much 
better  to  keepe  a  good  conscience  and  ye  Lords  blessing, 
whether  in  life  or  death." 

"  But  at  last,  after  all  these  things,  and  their  long  attend- 
ance, they  had  a  patent  granted  them,  and  confirmed  under 
ye  companies  seale  ;  but  these  decissious  and  distractions 
had  shaken  of  many  of  ther  pretended  friends,  and  dis- 
appointed them  of  much  of  their  hoped  for  &  proffered 
means.  By  the  advice  of  some  friends  this  pattente  was 
not  taken  in  ye  name  of  any  of  their  owne,  but  in  ye  name 
of  Mr.  John  Wincob  (a  religous  gentleman  then  belonging 
to  ye  Countess  of  Lincoline),  who  intended  to  goe  with 
them.  But  God  so  disposed  as  he  never  went,  nor  they 
ever  made  use  of  this  patente,  which   has  cost   them  so* 

It  is  supposed  to  have  embraced  a  tract  of  territory  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Hudson  River.  Terms,  conditions,  and  date  of  issue  are 
unknown. 


The  Johnsonians  and  the  Ainsworthians      137 

much  labour  aud  charge,  as  by  ye  sequell  will  appeare. 
This  patente  being  sent  over  for  them  to  view  &  consider, 
as  also  the  passages  aboute  &  ye  propossitious  between 
them  &  such  marchants  &  friends  as  should  either  goe  or 
adventure  with  them,  and  espetially  with  those  on  whom 
yey  did  cheefly  depend  for  shipping  and  means,  whose 
proffers  had  been  large,  they  were  requested  to  fitt  and  pre- 
pare themselves  with  all  speed.  A  right  emblime,  it  may 
be,  of  ye  uncertine  things  of  this  world  ;  yt  when  men 
have  toyld  themselves  for  them,  they  vanish  into  smoke." 

A  better  lot  was  assigned  to  Ainsworth's  congregation. 
Now  owning  the  building  and  under  supervision  of  the 
elders  Jean  de  I'Ecluse''^^  Mays  and  Gillis  Thorpe,  it 
witnessed  comparatively  quiet  times. 

No  wonder,  when  headed  by  Ainsworth,  a  peaceful  man, 
who  prevented  and  avoided  all  quarrels  as  far  as  possible. 
Surely,  he  saw  himself  compelled  to  reply  to  Francis  John- 
son's last  attack  in  1617,  but  he  waited  first  for  Johnson's 
death,  aud  then  further  postponed  it  for  nearly  two  years. 
In  1620,  aud  not  in  1618,  as  Hanbury  ("  Memorials,"  page 
320)  misstates,  he  issued  "  A  reply  to  a  pretended  Christian 
plea  for  the  Antichristian  Church  of  Rome",  4'",  p.  iv  and 
184. 

From  July  12,  1617,  he  had,  indeed,  all  the  year  round, 
to  refute  all  sorts  of  reproaches  and  accusations  of  John 
Paget,  preacher  in  the  Amsterdam    Presbyterian    Church, 

**  Jean  de  1'  E'cluse  (mentioned  before),  brother-in-law  of  William 
Bradford,  perhaps  also  of  his  co-elder  Maye,  is  in  1609  called  a  printer 
and  in  1616  a  schoolmaster.  He  seems  to  have  printed  T.  Bright- 
man's  "  Apocalypsis  apocalypseos,  1609,"  a  quarto  of  fully  730  pages, 
as,  though  the  book  is  said  to  have  been  published  at  Frankfort, 
Paget  in  his  "  Heresiography,"  page  193,  reproaches  him  thus  :  ''of 
John  de  Cluse,  your  elder,  his  injurious  and  false  dealing  in  the  print- 
ing of  Mr.  Brightman's  book  is  a  public  schandal." 

In  161 1  de  I'Ecluse  himself  issued  an  advertisement  against  this 
book. 

Gillis  Thorpe,  too,  was  a  printer.  In  1612  (C.  Larone,  "  Prophane 
Schism,"  page  11 )  he  was  still  a  deacon,  but  in  1618  John  Paget  calls 
him  "an  elder  with  Ainsworth." 


138  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

who  was  irritated  because  a  member  of  his  congregation 
attended  the  Brownist  Church.  Ainsworth  even  filled 
three  hundred  quarto  pages  about  that  question,  but  the 
thought  of  publication  never  crossed  his  mind.  In  fact  he 
was  sorry  for  his  opponent's  action. 

From  a  series  of  letters,  written  by  him,  from  September 
4,  1609  to  June  1614,  to  a  John  Ainsworth,  a  Roman  Cath- 
olic, imprisoned  in  London,  who  wished  to  convert  Henry 
to  the  Church  of  Rome,  we  know,  that  he  always  continued 
to  advocate  Brownism.  These  letters,  together  with  the 
answers  were  published,  without  his  consent,  by  one  E.  P., 
under  the  title  of :  —  "The  trying  out  of  the  truth,"  4'°, 
190  pages. 

Hanbury  in  his  "  Memorials",  page  288,  takes  Ephriam 
Pagitt  for  the  publisher,  but  confounds  him  with  John 
Paget,  the  minister  of  the  Amsterdam  Presbyterians.  This 
controversey  with  John  Ainsworth  probably  led  Henry 
Ainsworth  to  compose  a  small  writing  against  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church,  entitled  : — "An  arrow  against  idolatry," 
published  in  161 1. 

Throughout  all,  Henry  Ainsworth  devoted  his  time  to 
his  favourite  studies.  In  1612  he  made  a  metrical  transla- 
tion of  the  Psalms.  From  16 16  to  16 19,  he  prepared  for 
the  press  his  annotations  on  the  Pentateuch,  compared  with 
the  Greek  translation  and  the  Chaldean  paraphrase.  Every 
year  he  published  one  quarto  volume  of  nearly  three  hun- 
dred pages,  and  the  last  year  two  volumes.  In  1623  he 
intended  to  add  a  commentary  upon  the  song  of  Solomon 
and  a  treatise  on  predestination. 

Death  surprised  him  at  his  work,  in  1622,  at  the  age  of 
fifty-two.  After  ontinued  infirmity  of  body,  he  died  of 
kidney-disorder. 

William  Bradford  ("  Dialogue  by  Young  "  p.  448)  tells 
us: — "a  very  learned  man  he  was  and  a  close  student, 
which  much  impaired  his  health."     In   1630,  annotations 


The  Johnsonians  and  the  Ainsworthians     139 

on  his  last  sermon,  from  I  Peter  II  4,  5,  were  published  by 
Sabin  Keresmore. 

Perhaps,  because  of  his  continual  intercourse  with  rabbins 
and  learned  Jews,  whom  he  often  consulted  for  his  Hebrew 
studies,  it  was  rumored  abroad  he  had  been  poisoned  by  the 
Jews.  It  is  said  that  he  once  found  on  the  street  a  valu- 
able diamond,  but  when  the  owner  came  to  him  offering  a 
large  reward,  he  asked  nothing  else  but  the  favor  of  a  dis- 
course with  the  most  learned  men  of  their  nation  on  the 
prophecies  respecting  the  Messiah.  When  either  their  men 
could  not  venture  an  opinion  of  their  own  or  refute  his 
clever  arguments,  the  atrocious  crime  was  then  committed. 
This  story  is  retold  by  Neal  in  his  "  Puritans",  page  491 
and  proves  once  more  what  sort  of  artful  fables  a  spirit  of 
animosity  towards  the  Jews  can  invent. 

Happily,  the  slander  was  contradicted  by  the  decisive 
testimony  of  a  man  like  doctor  Nicolaas  Tulp,-*"  who  dis- 
sected the  corpse  of  the  deceased  and  who  informs  us  how 
the  death  was  occasioned  in  his  "  Observationes  medica." 

The  death  of  Henry  Ainsworth  was  an  irretrievable  loss 
to  the  Ainsworthians'  church.  The  two  elders,  de  1'  Ecluse 
and  May  could  not  fill  up  the  need  of  a  pastor  which  lasted 
for  years,  before  another  teacher  was  appointed.  It  was 
still  destitute  of  pastoral  aid,  when  John  Robinson,  in  a 
letter,  dated  September  1624,  reproached  it  : — "  our  and  all 
other  churches  advice  you  reject,  in  confidence  of  your  own 
unerring  judgment  and  proceeding  in  this  matter.  In  vain 
we  speak  unto  you  whose  ears  prejudice  hath  stopped."  A 
member  had  been  excommunicated  for  his  having  attended 
the  Presbyterian  church,  and  when  Leydeu  insisted  on  revi- 
sion of  the  sentence,  they  persisted  in  the  "  non  bis  in 
idem  "  to  the  utmost. 

*  With  the  lineaments  and  work  of  this  famous  physician  and  sur- 
geon we  are  familiar  through  the  renowned  painting  of  Rembrandt — 
"The  Anatomy  Lesson." — Ed. 


140  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

At  last,  after  long  disputes,  John  Canne  entered  upon  the 
oflEice  of  pastor.  He  was  an  exceptionally  accomplished 
man,  a  bookseller  who  enriched  his  edition  of  the  bible 
with  references  to  corresponding  passages.  He  afterwards, 
won  renown  through  his  writing  against  William  Ames. 

This  learned  scholar  was  born,  about  1577,*  either  in 
England  or  Scotland,  first  Chaplain  to  Sir  Horace  Vere, 
next  professor  of  Divinity  at  Franeker,  and  for  a  very  short 
time,  till  his  death,  November  i,  1633,  at  a  college  of  the- 
ology founded  by  some  Englishmen  at  Rotterdam.  The 
book  is  entitled  :  — "  A  necessitie  of  separation  from  the 
Church  of  England,  specially  opposed  unto  dr.  Ames  his 
Fresh  suit,"  1634,  4'°,  264  pages. 

John  Canne  succeeded  in  restoring  peace  in  the  congrega. 
tion.  This  he  commemorated  by  an  oration  entitled: — 
"  The  way  to  peace  or  good  counsel  for  it.  Peracted  upon 
the  15th  day  of  the  2d  month  1632  at  the  reconciliation  of 
certain  brethren,  between  whom  there  had  been  former 
differences." 

Peace,  however,  did  not  endure  very  long.  The  elder 
Jean  de  I'Ecluse,  being  of  the  opinion  that  the  congregation 
should  be  without  any  corruption  or  dark  spot  whatever, 
taught  accordingly  that  the  smallest  blemish,  the  slightest 
corruption  was  a  sufficient  reason  to  separate  from  it. 
Paget  in  his  "  Heresiography  "  page  63,  citing  the  com- 
plaint of  one  Mr.  Simpson,  especially  of  the  prophets  in 
Ainsworth  Church,  says  :  "  our  beloved  Mr.  de  Cluse  in  his 
prophesie  laboured  to  prove  separation  from  a  true  church 
for  any  corruption,  obstinately  stood  in  this  doctrine,  was 
by  another  in  prophecying  then  shewed  to  be  absolutely 
contrary  to  the  passage  Revelation   11:24   how  unsoundly 

*In  "John  Robinson,  the  Pastor  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,"  by 
Waltler  N.  Burgess,  London  and  New  York,  1920,  much  is  told  of 
Ames  (1576-1633)  who  died  in  Rotterdam,  just  before  his  expected 
voyage  to  America.  The  editor  was  told  by  Dutch  professors  of  the- 
ology that  the  works  of  Dr.  Ames  (Amesius)  translated  into  the 
language  of  the  Netherlands,  were  still  read  and  appreciated  by  pious 
peasants,  especially  in  Friesland. — Er. 


The  Johnsonians  and  the  Ainsworthians     141 

it  was  concluded  by  our  teacher  was  then  observed  by 
many  :  also  it  was  since  by  another  delivered  in  the  way  of 
prophesie  that  even  among  ourselves  did  reigne  many 
sinners,  as  namely  fulnesse  of  bread,  pride  and  idlenesse  . 
if  these  things  be  so  and  be  not  redressed  by  the 
admonition  of  this  prophesie,  we  must,  according  to  Mr. 
de  Cluse  his  doctrine,  make  a  new  separation." 

John  Canne's  weak  refutation  of  Jean  de  I'Ecluse's  argu- 
ments led  again  to  separation.  According  to  Paget  ("A 
defence  of  church  government,"  1641,  page  32)  one  party 
sided  with  de  I'Ecluse,  the  other  with  Cannes.  Less  accu- 
rate is  Underhill's  statement  ("Tracts,"  page  156  note) 
that  de  I'Ecluse  had  been  the  head  of  the  congregation  prior 
to  John  Canne's  arrival. 

The  dispute  was  not  settled  until  Canne  repaired,  about 
1640,  to  England  to  join  the  Baptists,  and  de  I'Ecluse  pro- 
bably had  died.  Had  Mr.  Eton,  mentioned  in  the  records 
of  the  Amsterdam  English  Reformed  Church  as  being, 
January  17  and  June  15,  1636,  leader  of  a  congregation, 
actually  been  a  Brownist,  it  would  prove  that  then  already 
John  Canne  had  left  his  congregation. 

Anyway,  the  reconciliation  proved  to  be  sincere  and  dur- 
able. Still  in  1645,  Baillie,  in  his  "Dissuasive,"  page 
77,  speaks  of  "an  union  so  cordial  as  that  of  the  two  lately 
divided  and  now  reunited  churches."  The  reason  of  this 
may  perhaps  be  in  the  fact  that  the  Church  was  now  left  to 
itself.  In  1645  Baillie  tells  us:  "even  yet  they  lived 
without  an  eldership."     Chiefs  were  wanting. 

Though  the  congregation  was  steadily  decreasing  in 
number  and  very  much  discredited,  yet  this  small  body  of 
people  had  sufficient  zeal  and  the  necessary  funds  to  rebuild 
the  Church  of  the  Barndesteeg-'^  (Lane),  six  years  after  it 

"  Little  Street  of  the  Burned,  i.e.,  of  martyrs  before  the  Refor- 
mation and  near  the  Brownisten  Gang,  or  Brownists'  Alley  often 
visited  by  Americans,  under  the  impression  that  here  the  "Pilgrim 
Fathers  "  had  their  place  of  worship,  vet  the  buildings  at  the  entrance 
and  at  the  rear  end  by  the  canal  had' no  association  with  those  who 
left  Amsterdam  for  Leyden. — Ed. 


142  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

had  been  destroyed  by  fire.  From  their  old  place  of  wor- 
ship (Groeueburgwal),  they  had  removed  long  before. 

For  about  forty  years  they  still  occupied  the  new  building. 
Then,  in  1701,  when  some  five  members  only  were  left  :  an 
elder,  a  deacon  and  three  ordinary  members.  These  five 
sought  communion  with  the  English  Reformed  Church. =i- 
All,  except  one,  owing  to  charges  against  his  conduct,  were 
admitted  to  that  congregation,  October  1701.  According 
to  the  records  of  the  Amsterdam  English  Reformed  Church, 
their  edifice  became  the  property  of  the  Dutch  Reformed 
Congregation. 

Today,  the  Bruinisten  gang  (Brownists'  Alley)  is  the 
sole  memorial  to  them  in  that  part  of  the  city  of  Amsterdam. 


*The  Scotch  or  English  Reformed  Church  in  the  Begyn  Hof.  off 
from  the  Kalvar  Straat,  where  in  1909  was  unveiled  the  memorial 
bronze  tablet  erected  by  the  Congregational  Club  of  Chicago,  and  in 
which  in  the  enlarged  and  modernized  auditorium,  one  of  three 
stained  glass  windows  in  honor  of  the  Pilgrims  was  dedicated ; 
Rev.  B.  Nightingale  co-author  of  "  New  Light  on  the  Pilgrim  Story," 
preached  the  sermon  on  Idealism  on  a  True  Foundation,  from 
Hebrews  XI:  14,  the  editor  unveiling  the  unfinished  window  and 
making  the  dedicatory  address.— Ei). 


CHAPTER  XVIII 
The  Bakehouse  of  Jan  Munter 

THUS  vauished  the  original  church  of  Henry  Ainsworth 
and  Francis  Johnson,  after  a  period  of  over  a  century. 
Long  before  this,  the  congregation  which  under  John 
Smyth  seceded  from  it  in  October  1608,  had  been  dissolved. 

Nevertheless  John  Smyth's  principles  survived  and  were 
still  at  work  centuries  after  the  fall  of  Brownism,  the 
Baptists  forming  now  the  largest  of  Protestant  denomina- 
tions. 

Unity  and  conformity  reigned  but  a  short  time  in  that 
congregation  after  its  separation  from  the  Brownists.  They 
were  anxious  to  have  a  meeting-house  at  no  great  distance 
from  the  quarter  where  most  of  the  members  were  living  : 
Binuen-Amstel  (Inner-Amstel),  or  Koningsgracht  (King's 
Canal),  as  then  called,  between  Muntsluis  (Mint's  Bridge) 
and  Blauwebrug  (Blue  Bridge).  Such  a  place  they  were, 
before  long,  so  fortunate  as  to  find. 

The  East  India  Company  formed  in  1595, 'or  Company 
Van  Verre,  (to  distant  Lands),  was  prospering.  As  it  fitted 
out  many  ships,  it  needed  a  large  bakery,  in  order  to  pro- 
vide these  needed  vessels  with  biscuit  for  their  long  voyages. 

In  the  newest  part  or  later  enlargement  of  the  town,  com- 
prised since  about  1593  within  municipal  boundaries,  the 
company  erected  its  bakery  on  one  of  the  many  still  vacant 
lots  on  the  Amstel  river. 

The  facade  of  this  structure  had  three  top  or  stepped 
gables,  under  each  of  which  were  two  stories.  There  were 
thus  three  buildings  adjoining  each  other  and  fronting  on  a 
large  open  space  enclosed  by  a  high  wall. 

Behind  the  building  ran  a  street,  now  called  Amstelstraat. 
Over  the  way,  at  the  foot  of  the  town's  bulwark,  stood  a 
shed,  probably  designed    to  be  used    for  a   granary.     The 


144  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

peculiar  appearance  of  the  structure  arises  from  the  sixteen 
chimne3's,  in  the  form  of  towers,  to  be  seen  at  either  side  of 
the  central  roof  and  the  double  rows  of  fourteen  windows 
in  the  exterior  side- walls.  It  is  thus  represented  in  the 
extremely  rare  map  of  Amsterdam  by  Petrus  Bastius,  pub- 
lished and  dated  October  i,  1599.      (See  Frontispiece). 

The  East-India  Company  occupied  this  building  but  a 
few  years.  In  1603  it  was  rented  out  as  the  City  Arsenal 
and  then,  perhaps,  the  bakery  was  removed  thither.  At 
least  a  couple  of  years  after,  houses  were  built  around  it 
and  from  this,  the  neighboring  Bakhuisstraat  (Bakehouse- 
street)  now  Bakkerstraat  (Baker's  street)  was  named,  and 
the  property  came  into  the  hands  of  Jan  Munter.  It  was 
seldom  after  that  time  called  the  East-Indian  bakehouse, 
but,  as  a  rule,  plainly  "  the  bakehouse,  or  "  the  bakehouse 
of  Munter."  So  it  is  generally  termed  in  the  records  of  the 
Consistory  of  the  Amsterdam  Mennonite  Congregation. '■= 

It  appears  that  Jan  Munter,  by  altering  the  interior  of 
the  houses,  added  several  lodgings  to  those  formerly  occu- 
pied by  the  baker's  men.  The  front  part,  skirting  the 
Amstel,  (now  the  house.*  numbered  122  and  124,)  he  did  not 
buy,  or  he  sold  again,  but  a  large  space  in  the  rear,  entered 
by  a  small  square,  now  a  repository  of  grain  and  seed,  once 
a  stable  for  horses,  still  continued  his  property. 

The  letters  of  acquirement  of  that  time,  for  No.  122,  I 
could  not  find,  but  the  present  owner  kindly  permitted  me 
to  examine  his  title-deeds,  which  show  that  the  hinder  part, 
or  the  so-called  bakehouse  was  still,  January  31,   1639,  in 

*  Mr.  H.  M.  Dexter,  who  got  from  me  his  first  information  of  the 
existence  of  the  bakehouse,  rightly  called  it  :  "  the  bakehouse  of  the 
East  India  Company  ;"  but,  misled  by  a  misprint  in  B.  Evans  "Early 
English  Baptists,"  I,  page  220,  thought  that  it  was  afterwards  st\-led : 
"the  cake-house  of  John  Munter."  ("Congregationalism",  page 
338  note  174.)  Had  he  1)een  accjuainted  with  my  transcripts  from  the 
Burial  Books  of  the  New  Church  at  Amsterdam,  placed  at  the  disposal 
of  Robert  Barclay  (see  his  "Religious  Societies  of  the  Common- 
wealth," page  95)  he  would  not  have  fallen  into  this  error. 


The  Bakehouse  of  Jan  Munter  145 

the  hands  of  the  heirs  of  Jan  Munter;  that  in  1627  his 
house  came  into  possession  of  Cornelis  Wybrands  and  after- 
wards frequently  changed  hands,  until  it  was  bought  with 
the  adjacent  No.  124,  this  time  the  rear  buildings  included, 
by  John  Jordan,  usually  called  Jan  Jurriaans,  the  English- 
man. 

The  latter,  in  1755,  converted  the  two  houses  into  ware- 
houses which  were  still  named  the  Englishman's  ware- 
houses. John  Jordan  lived  next-door,  to  the  east-side,  in 
a  strong,  well-built  house,  now  No.  126.  He  was  also 
owner  of  the  houses  and  sites  on  which  now  still  stands  the 
Scotch  Zendings  Kerk  (Mission-Church),  and  erected 
between  Doelen-Bridge  and  Mint-Bridge,  formerly  the 
Schapenplein  (Sheep-square)  five  houses,  since  called  the 
English  houses,  the  last  wall  of  which  houses  was  pulled 
down  October  15,  1877. 

As  John  Smyth  and  a  great  many  of  his  party  were  living 
in  the  houses  surrounding  the  former  bakehouse,  he  very 
soon  fixed  his  eye  upon  that  large  space  for  a  place  of  wor- 
ship. The  negotiation  was  successful  and  before  long  the 
new  congregation  met  there. 


CHAPTER  XIX 

John  Smyth's  Repentance  And  Request  To 
Join  The  Menonnites 

'*■  I  "^HE  successful  negotiation  for  a  house  of  meeting  had 
-^       still  other  results. 

Jan  Munter,  progenitor  of  a  line  of  burgomasters,  was 
born  in  1570  and  married,  1596,  Saartje  van  Tongerloo, 
born  1578.  Both  he  and  his  wife  were  members  of  the 
United  Waterlander  and  High  German  Mennonite  Churches, 
which,  in  1605,  erected  a  new  building  at  the  Singel  between 
Bergstraat  (Hill  Street)  and  Torenslnis  (Tower-bridge)  in 
Amsterdam. 

This  congregation  had  a  most  excellent  pastor,  named 
Eubbert  Gerrits,  and  was  most  closely  allied  to  Hansde  Ries, 
pastor  of  its  fellow-believers  at  Alkmaar.  This  congrega- 
tion was,  to  its  great  advantage  distinguished  from  the 
other  Amsterdam  Mennonite  Congregations ;  the  surl}' 
Frisions  and  the  rigid  Flemish,  b}^  great  toleration,  love  of 
peace,  abstinence  from  all  exaggeration  in  matters  of  church 
discipline,  and  by  views  on  the  doctrines  of  original  sin  and 
predestination,  coinciding  with  John  Smyth's  own  opinions. 

Upon  closer  acquaintance,  he  found  Jan  Munter  quite 
different  from  the  other  Mennonites,  Frisians  or  Flemish, 
whom  he  might  have  met  formerly.  How  glad  and  willing 
he  was  to  join  the  circle  of  friends,  to  which  Jan  Munter 
introduced  him  ! 

But  not  gladness  and  willingness  on  his  part  only. 
True,  John  Smyth  then  still  held  the  opinion,  the  so-called 
"  successio  apostolica  "  to  be  a  chimera,  and  that  two  or 
three  private  persons,  assembled  in  the  name  of  the  Lord, 
may  gather  a  new  church,  nay,  even  may  administer  the 
sacraments,  always  provided  there  be  no  true  church  for 
them  to  join  with  a  good  conscience. 


John  Smyth's  Repentance  147 

On  that  ground  he  had  once  performed  baptism  on  him- 
self and  his  followers.  But  now  having  become  acquainted 
with  a  community  of  believers  whom  he  must  admit  to  be  a 
Church  of  Christ  he  repented  of  his  rashness  and  want  of 
consideration  which  he  condemned  as  constituting  confusion 
and  disorder.  In  his  "  Retraction  of  Errors  "  he  says  : — 
"  it  is  not  the  truth  that  two  or  three  private  persons  may 
baptize,  when  there  is  a  true  church  and  ministers  estab- 
lished, whence  baptism  may  orderly  be  had,  for  if  Christ 
himself  did  fetch  his  baptism  from  John  and  the  Gentiles 
from  the  Jews  baptized,  and  if  God  be  the  God  of  order  and 
not  of  Confusion,  then  surely  we  must  observe  this  order 
now,  or  else  disorder  is  order  and  God  alloweth  disorder." 

I  infer  from  a  letter,  dated  March  12,  1609,  that  John 
Smyth  and  his  friends  repented  of  their  baptism,  and  for 
that  reason  had  been  expelled  from  their  church  by  the 
writers  of  that  letter,  and  that  John  Smyth  confessed  his 
error,  in  January  or  February  1609,  as  it  usually  took  some 
weeks  before  a  sentence  of  excommunication  was  pronounced . 

Intemperately  zealous,  as  was  John  Smyth  under  stress  of 
conviction,  he  was  ready  to  confess  his  error,  were  it  ever 
so  humbling  to  him,  and  this  he  did  openly  before  his 
congregation.  Then  he  tried  to  persuade  his  party  to  repair 
that  fault  as  much  as  possible,  by  seeking  communion  with 
the  United  Mennonite  Church. 

It  was  therefore,  required  for  these,  first  to  manifest 
repentence  of  their  improper  baptism  and  next  to  draw  up  a 
short  confession  of  faith,  in  order  to  justify  their  request  to 
be  admitted  as  members  of  that  congregation. 

John  Smyth  did  both.  He  arranged  a  list  headed  : — 
"Nomina  Anglorum  qui  hunc  errorem  suum  agnoscunt 
eiusque  poenitentiam  agunt  vid.  Quod  incoeperint  seipsos 
baptizare  contra  ordinem  a  Christo  Constitum  quique  iam 
cupiunt  huic  verae  Christi  Ecclesiae  uniri  ea  qua  fieri  possit 
expeditione." 


148  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

This  was  undersigned  by  himself  and  fourteen  other  men 
and  seventeen  women.  The  names  of  the  men  are  :  Hugh 
Bromhead,  Jarvase  Nevill,  Thomas  Cauadyne,  Edward 
Hankin,  John  Hardy,  Thomas  Pygott,  Francis  Pygott, 
Robert  Stanley,  Alexander  Fleming,  Alexander  Hodgkins, 
John  Grindall,  Solomon  Thomson,  Samuel  Halton  and 
Thomas  Dolphin.  The  names  of  the  women  are  :  Ann 
Bromhead,  Jane  Southworth,  Mary  Smyth,  Joane  Plalton, 
Alis  Arnfield,  Isabell  Thomson,  Margaret  Stanly,  Mary 
Grindall,  Mother  Pygott,  Alis  Pygott,  Margaret  Pygott, 
Betteiis  Dickinson,  Mary  Dickinson,  Ellyn  Paynter,  Alis 
Parsons,  Joane  Briggs,  Jane  Argan. 

John  Smyth  added  to  this  list  a  confession  of  faith,  of 
twenty  short  articles  in  L,atin.      (See  Appendix  D). 

The  originals  of  the  list  and  Confession  of  Faith,  in 
Smyth's  own  handwriting,  are  preserved  in  the  archives  of 
the  Amsterdam  Mennonite  Church. 

The  Confession  of  Faith  in  the  articles  concerning  the 
Trinity,  the  Godhead  and  manhood  of  Christ,  Resurrection 
and  Judgment  day  does  not  disagree  with  the  common  Pro- 
testant view.  It  contains  only  a  very  few  dogmatic  formu- 
las, and  is  rather  incomplete  as  to  some  doctrines,  e.g.  that 
of  reconciliation. 

Not  all  members  of  John  Smyth's  Church  offered  them- 
selves to  the  fellowship  of  the  Mennonites.  Far  from  it. 
Nearly  ten  of  them  were  seriously  opposed  to  it.  "Not 
above  ten  persons,"  is  noted  down*  on  the  margin  of 
Clyfton's  answer  to  Mr.  Smyth's  epistle  to  the  reader  in  his 
"Plea  for  infants."  Among  these  ten  were  Thomas 
Helwys,  William  Pygott,  Thomas  Seamer  and  John  Murton. 
They  had  no  objection  to  the  Mennonites.     They  regarded 

*H.  M.  Dexter  overlooked  this  and  unjustly  thinks  that  Helwys' 
followers  formed  the  majority,  in  consequence  of  which  he  falls  into 
another  error,  that  Smyth's  congregation  originally,  before  the  sepa- 
ration, numbered  from  seventy-five  to  one  hundred  members.  See 
"  Congregationalism,"  page  313,  note  83  and  page  321). 


John  Smyth's  Repentance  149 

these  as  very  dear  aud  beloved  brethren  in  the  faith.  They 
were  even  inclined  to  enter  into  close  relations  with  them. 

But  for  all  the  world,  they  would  not  acknowledge  that 
the}'  had  erred  in  the  mode  of  baptism  which  they  had 
practised.  To  do  so  would  be  to  disown  the  lawfulness  of 
their  Church's  existence.  Helwys  did  not  allow  of  Smyth's 
exception,  that  such  a  practise  was  only  lawful  if  there  be 
no  true  church.  In  fact,  he  considered  it  as  always  per- 
mitted, nay,  according  to  one's  duty.  He  called  John 
Smyth's  acknowledgement  a  sin  against  the  Holy  Ghost. 
Smyth,  indeed,  opposed  God's  truth,  not  from  ignorance, 
but  from  intention,  after  having  formerly  known  and 
professed  that  truth. 

To  be  true  to  their  views  on  church  discipline,  Helwys 
and  his  friends  saw  themselves  compelled  to  expel  Smyth 
and  all  his  followers.  It  hung  heavy  on  their  hands, 
heavier  than  anyone  can  conceive.  Two  years  after,  in  the 
preface  of  his  books  "  A  declaration  of  the  faith  of  English 
people,"  Helwys  signed  and  wrote  :  "  What  would  we  not 
have  borne  or  done,  how  willingly  had  we  given  up  all  we 
have,  nay  more,  dug  out  our  eyes,  sacrificed  our  lives,  if  we 
might  have  continued  with  a  good  conscience  to  profit  by 
his  teachings  !  God  knows  it  !  Do  not  men  know  it  too  ? 
Does  he  himself  not  know  it  ?  Have  we  not  disregarded 
ourselves,  our  wives  and  children,  and  all  what  is  ours,  in 
order  to  honor  him  ?  We  own  to  have  had  all  reasons  for 
doing  so,  because  of  the  excellent  gifts  God  of  his  grace 
has  so  overfiowingly  given  him.  All  our  love  was  still  too 
poor  and  unworthy  of  him.  L,et,  therefore,  every  one  and 
himself  not  think  otherwise  than  that  the  loss  of  such  a 
man  we  most  sadly  have  taken  aud  still  do  take  to  heart. 
But  he  has  denied  the  Lord's  truth,  he  is  fallen  from  grace, 
and,  though  the  fowler  laid  the  snares,  the  knot  was 
broken,  and  we  are  liberated.  God  be  praised  and 
thanked !" 


150  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

Indeed,  according  to  their  opinion,  truth  had  been  so 
denied,  that  they  might  not  shrink  even  from  proceeding  to 
the  very  extreme. 

Besides,  they  considered  it  their  duty  to  address  a  fra- 
ternal warning  to  the  Mennonites,  as  soon  as  they  learned 
that  John  Smyth,  for  himself  and  his  company,  had 
requested  to  be  admitted  into  fellowship.  This  remarkable 
letter,  preserved  in  the  archives  of  the  Mennonites  Church, 
and  which  has  not  hitherto  appeared,  will  be  found  in  the 
Appendix  E. 

This  warning  led  to  further  negotiations  between  the 
Mennouite  Consistory  and  Thomas  Helwys  and  his  party. 
To  begin  with,  the  Consistory  asked  them  for  a  short  account 
of  their  Confession  of  Faith,  so  as  to  learn  their  points  of 
difference  with  Smyth's  followers,  and  their  reason  for  ex- 
communicating those.  In  concert  with  this  desire,  a 
"Synopsis  fidei "  was  drawn  up,  containing  nineteen 
articles.  It  was  written  in  the  same  hand  as  that  of  the 
fraternal  warning.* 

This,  I  hold,  called  forth  Helwy's  Confession  of  Faith. 
Of  course,  Helwys  and  his  company  did  not,  like  John 
Smyth,  seek  a  union  with  the  Mennonites,  and,  conse- 
quently, the  dissolution  of  their  own  congregation.  On 
the  contrary,  they  worked  to  maintain  strictly  their  inde- 
pendency, though  acknowledging  the  Mennonites  as  their 
fellow  believers,  as  a  sister-church. 

Except  some  very  remarkable  deviations,  there  is  a  great 
conformity  between  this  and  Smyth's  aforesaid  Confession. 
The  sequence  of  the  articles  and  even  some  expressions  are 
nearly  identical.  No  doubt  the  composer  of  the  one  confes- 
sion had  the  other  before  him,  and  followed  it.  John 
Smyth  excelled  in  the  usage  of  Latin  ;  Helwys  in  Biblical 
language  and  in  avoiding  the  excessive  use  of  scholastic 
terms.     Helwys'  aversion  to  these  is  shown  by  his  "  Short 

*Reprinted  in  Appendix  F. 


John  Smyth's  Repentance  151 

and  plaine  proofe,  1611,"  page  138,  where  he  reproaches 
John  Robinson  with  his  "logic  and  philosophy,  as  being 
none  of  the  gifts,  where  with  Christ  endued  his  apostles," 
and  with  his  "  terms  of  art,"  in  reply  to  which  Robinson 
(Works,  III  page  181)  says  :  "they  are  neither  many  nor 
without  cause,  nor  yet  so  dark,  but  an  ordinary  reader  may, 
as  they  are  explained  by  me,  understand  them." 

On  account  of  Helwy's  relations  with  the  Baptists  of  a 
later  period,  his  confession  of  faith  should  be  regarded  as 
the  earliest  Baptist  confession.  I  have  therefore,  thought 
it  of  sufficient  importance  to  reprint  (see  Appendix  F.)  the 
original  from  the  archived  of  the  Amsterdam  Mennonite 
congregation,  the  more  so  as  it  has  not  hitherto  been 
published. 

The  apparently  slight  deviations  between  both  confessions 
are  not  without  signification.  They  all  relate  to  what  John 
Smyth  either  acknowledged  or  passed  over  in  silence,  be- 
cause of  his  strong  tendency  to  a  fusion  with  the  Mennonites. 
For  instance,  he  does  not  speak  of  a  strict  observing  of  the 
Sabbath,  nor  of  a  weekly  celebration  of  the  Holy  Com- 
munion on  every  Sunday.  He  concedes  their  view  on 
justification  and  conforms  himself  to  their  custom  to  speak 
of  the  incarnation,  or  rather  of  the  origin  of  Christ's  flesh, 
in  somewhat  vague  language.  It  is  known  that  Melchior 
Hoffman,  and  Menno  Simons  afterwards,  advocated  the 
ancient  opinion,  that  at  the  incarnation  God's  Son  took  not 
his  flesh  from  his  mother,  but  owed  his  body  to  a  special 
act  of  God's  creating  :   "  quieuni  creavit  in  utero  Mariae." 

The  Frisians  and  Flemish  Mennonites  had  occupied  this 
point  of  view  for  a  long  time. 

But  it  is  known,  too,  that  in  1555,  the  High  German  and 
Waterlander  Mennonites,  at  a  gathering  of  brethren  and 
elders  at  Strasburg,  agreed  to  consider  this  dogma  as  not 
important  (adiaphorous),  and  declared  that  all  were  at 
liberty  to   think  of  it  as  they  pleased.     Most  of  them  did 


152  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

not  touch  upon  the  subject,  and  whenever  it  was  discussed, 
the.v  used  very  vague  words.  John  Smyth  now  followed 
this  course. 

Helwys  opposed  this  ambiguity  intentionally.  In  his 
book,  "An  animadvertisenient  or  admonition,  1611,"  the 
first  two  refutations  are  : — "that  Christ  took  his  flesh  of 
Maria,  having  a  true  earthlie,  naturall  bodie ;  that  a 
Sabbath  or  day  of  rest  is  to  be  kept  holy  everie  first  day  of 
the  weeke." 

To  this  John  Smyth  in  his  "  Retraction  of  errors,"  page 
VI  replies  :  — "  Another  imputation  of  Mr.  Helwys  is  con- 
cerning the  flesh  of  Christ.  Whereto  I  say,  that  he  that 
knoweth  not  that  the  first  and  second  flesh  of  an  infant  in 
the  mother's  womb  are  to  be  distinguished,  knowth  not  yet 
the  grounds  of  nature  and  natural  reason.  I  affirmed  con- 
cerning Christ  that  his  second  flesh,  that  is  his  nourish- 
ment, he  had  from  his  mother  and  that  the  Scriptures  are 
plain  for  it,  but  concerning  the  first  matter  of  Christ's  flesh, 
whence  it  was,  I  said  thus  much  :  that  although  I  yield  it 
to  be  a  truth  in  nature,  that  he  had  it  of  his  mother  Mary, 
yet  I  dare  not  make  it  such  an  article  of  faith  as  that  if  any 
man  will  not  consent  unto  it,  I  should  therefore  refuse 
brotherhood  with  him,  and  that  the  Scriptures  do  not  lead 
us  (as  far  as  I  conceive)  to  the  searching  of  that  point, 
where  of  Christ's  natural  flesh  was  made  ;  but  that  we 
should  search  into  Christ's  spiritual  flesh,  to  be  made  flesh 
of  that  his  flesh,  and  bone  of  his  bone,  in  the  communion 
and  fellowship  of  the  same  spirit." 

Helwys,  no  doubt,  also  purposely  called  the  weekly  cele- 
bration of  the  Holy  Communion  a  remnant  of  Brownism, 
which  Smyth  did  not  incorporate  in  his  confession,  because 
the  Mennonites  were  not  pleased  with  it. 

It  should  not  be  wondered  at  that  the  Mennonite  Con- 
sistory, after  having  been  informed  of  these  comparatively 
slight  differences  of  opinion,  still   always  cherished  hopes 


John  Smyth's  Repentance  153 

that  Helwys  would  before  long  consider  these  matters  of 
dispute  as  adiaphorous  for  which  he  himself  claimed 
"Christiana  libertas."  They  trusted  also  that  the  difficul- 
ties between  him  and  John  Smyth  once  being  removed, 
their  reconciliation  might  lead  to  a  cordial  union  and  fusion 
with  the  Mennonite  Church. 

Helwys,  William  Pigott,  Seamer  and  Murton  now  were 
invited  to  a  discourse.  In  a  postscript  to  a  letter,  pre- 
served in  the  Archives  of  the  Mennonite  congregation  and 
dated  March  12,  1609— not  1610  as  Evans,  Early  Baptists, 
I,  page  210  misstates— these  four  wrote  : — "  We  have  bene 
much  greeved,  since  our  last  conference  with  you,  because 
wee  dishonored  the  truth  of  God,  much  for  want  of  speach 
in  that  we  were  not  able  to  utter  that  poore  measure  of 
knowledg,  which  God  of  his  grace  hath  given  us." 

After  all,  at  that  consultation,  the  true  reason  of  their 
division  was  sufficiently  revealed.  Should  there  still  have 
been  some  question  about  it,  the  letter  of  Helwys,  and  the 
rest,  dissipated  every  doubt.  The  cause  of  which  being  : 
their  controversy  respecting  the  lawfulness  of  their  congre- 
gation's existence  ;  their  mode  of  commencing  baptism  ; 
and  the  ordination  of  their  elders.  John  Smyth  in  chang- 
ing his  previous  view  had  denied  all,  while  Helwys 
defended  all  strenously. 

Sharply  and  bitterly  these  four  expressed  themselves  in 
their  letter  about  their  opponents,  who — they  say — "are 
justlie  for  their  sinnes  cast  from  us,  and  should  be  looked 
upon  as  heathen  and  publicans  ;"  and  after  their  warning 
not  to  company  with  them  :— "  if  you  shall  publish  or 
practice  unie  thinge  against  this  ground  in  the  18  of 
Matthew." 

From  that  letter,  too,  appears  their  constant  ties  of 
cordial  brotherhood  with  the  Mennonites.  As  a  sample 
take  the  following  lines  : — "  Your  approved  care,  diligence 
and   faithf nines  in   the  advancement   of  Gods   holie   truth. 


154  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

being  by  good  experience  (to  God  be  given  all  glorie)  well 
knowne  unto  us."  — "  You  will  take  wise  councell  and  that 
from  Gods  word,  how  you  deale  in  this  cause  betwixt  us 
and  these." — "According  to  the  great  love  and  kindues, 
that  3'ou  have  shewed  unto  us,"  etc. 

Under  these  circumstances,  it  is  not  surprising  that  the 
Mennonite  Consistory  did  not  forthwith  accede  to  the 
demand  of  John  Smyth  and  his  companions,  but  put  off  the 
decision  for  some  months.  Perhaps  Helwys  might  mean- 
while repeal  the  excommunication,  and  thus  cause  a  recon- 
ciliation, which  for  the  moment  was  impossible. 

John  Smyth's  followers  reiterated  their  desire  to  unite 
with  the  Mennonite  Church,  and  insisted  on  it  the  more  so 
as  knowing  that  the  teachers  or  elders  lyubbert  Gerrits  and 
Hans  de  Ries  were  inclined  to  consent.  In  a  letter  to  the 
elders  and  teachers  of  sister-congregations  they  had  praised 
these  as  wise  men,  who  distinguished  themselves  by  their 
godly  walks." 

From  a  note  by  Claas  Claaszoon  Anslo  on  the  death  of 
Lubbert  Gerrits,  dated  January  1612,  which  manuscript- 
document  is  preserved  in  the  archives  of  the  Mennonite 
congregation,  it  appears  that  on  his  death-bed  Lubbert 
Gerrits,  still  seriously  desired  not  to  forget  the  affair  with 
the  English,  but  to  settle  it  as  soon  as  possible.  He  further 
declared  that  he  had  some  objections  to  the  baptism  of  Mr. 
Smyth,  as  not  being  warranted  by  Scriptures,  but  that  the 
other  English,  without  being  baptized  again,  should  be 
accepted." 

Hans  de  Ries  writes  in  a  letter — the  Ms.  is  in  aforesaid 
archives — to  Reinier  Wybrands  : — "  I  will  thank  God  and 
hope  to  hear  the  English  affair  to  have  ended  well."  Before 
finishing  the  letter,  he  exhorts  them  again  : — "  Dear  men, 
pray  do  require  that  the  English  affair  be  brought  to  a 
close." 

Now  the  concise  form  and  incompleteness  of  the  articles 


John  Smyth's  Repentance  155 

of  faith,  delivered  by  the  English,  were  points  of  objection 
to  their  union.  On  account  of  this,  they  requested  Hans 
de  Ries  to  draw  up  a  confession  for  them  ;  which  he  readily 
did.  This  confession  contained  at  first  thirty-eight  articles, 
to  which  Hans  de  Ries  added  afterwards  two  more,  the 
nineteenth  and  twenty-second,  thus  forty  articles  altogether. 
In  the  preface  to  the  edition  of  1610  (?)  he  says  : — "This 
short  confession  of  faith,  I  first  wrote  on  entreaty  and  on 
behalf  of  several  Englishmen  fled  from  England  for  con- 
science' sake,  I  have  afterwards  somewhat  augmented." 

This  confession,  termed  later  on,  the  confession  of  Hans 
de  Ries  and  Lubbert  Gerrits,  never  had  any  binding 
authority  with  the  Mennonites,  though  it  was  approved  by 
many  of  them.  It  was  translated  into  English,  after  having 
been  signed,  without  any  reserve,  by  the  thirty-one  of  John 
Smyth's  above-mentioned  list,  besides  ten  more  :  three  men 
and  seven  women.      (See  Appendix  G.) 

At  the  end  of  1609  the  negotiations-had  so  far  progressed 
that  the  Mennonite  Consistory  thought  they  could  not  with 
a  good  conscience,  shut  their  ears  any  longer  to  the  English, 
but  must  present  the  affair  to  the  whole  brotherhood.  The 
brotherhood  then  desired  that  the  English  should,  first  of 
all,  again  be  most  perfectly  examined,  as  regards  the  doc- 
trine of  salvation  and  the  government  of  their  church,  and 
also  be  interrogated  as  to  the  foundation  and  form  of  their 
baptism. 

The  Consistory  did  not  find  any  difference,  either  in  the 
one  or  the  other  thing  between  the  English  and  the  Men- 
nonites, and  said  that,  according  to  their  opinion,  the  Eng- 
lish, without  being  baptized  again,  must  be  admitted,  as 
their  baptism  is  valid  and  lawful.  A  few  weeks  afterwards 
the  Consistory  put  the  question  to  the  vote  among  the 
brethren.  It  then  appeared  that  most  of  them  were  of  the 
same  opinion  as  the  Consistory,  The  latter,  however, 
thought  it   advisable    to  consult    the  neighbouring    fellow- 


156  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

servants,  /.  <?. :  the  elders  aud  teachers  of  the  surrounding 
United  Waterland  and  High  German  Churches  on  this 
matter  before  taking  action. 

By  an  epistle,  dated  May  6,  1610 — date  stated  in  the  reply 
of  Dirk  Pietinz,  of  Hoorn — the  Consistory  convened  in 
Amsterdam,  May  23,  to  hold  converse  with  the  English- 
men, and  at  the  same  time  to  instruct  and  bring  the  Amster- 
dam brethren  into  the  right  way,  if  they  were  of  a  different 
opinion.  For  the  sake  of  the  Englishmen,  the  Latin  lan- 
guage was  to  be  used  in  the  conference,  as  appears  from  the 
reply  of  Willem  Janszoon,  teacher  at  Rynsburg.  They 
further  prayed  to  notice  most  particularly,  that  they  only 
mean  the  baptism  of  those  who  are  baptized  by  their  minis- 
ter himself,  for  we  ourselves  do  distinguish  the  act  of 
baptizing  by  which  he  has  baptized  himself ;  this  is  an 
affair  quite  different. 

These  particulars  as  here  stated  were  derived  from  a 
manuscript  of  the  Consistory's  circular  in  the  archives  of 
the  Amsterdam  Mennonite  congregation. 

Only  four  replies  to  that  circular  are  extant,  three  of 
which  are  unpropitious.  Five  teachers  of  Friesland  de- 
clared, May  15,  that  they  were  not  inclined  to  come,  or  to 
give  advice  without  consulting  their  congregations,  so  long 
as  they  had  no  knowledge  of  the  Englishmen's  confession. 
Dirk  Pietinz  of  Hoorn  exhorts.  May  21,  to  great  prudence, 
as  the  admission  of  the  English  might  easily  lead  to  separa- 
tion and  to  others  leaving  them.  Willem  Jansz  of  Ryns- 
burg was  the  only  one  who.  May  18,  answered  in  the 
affirmative.  His  letter  enclosed  one  of  Yeme  de  Rynck, 
teacher  at  Harlingen,  one  of  the  subscribers  to  the  Frisian 
epistle,  saying  that  he  regretted  his  fellow  elders  had 
refused  to  come,  but  that  he  still  entertained  hopes  that  all 
would  end  well.  The  Amsterdam  Consistory  complied  at 
once  with  the  desire  of  the  Frisians  and  sent  the  confession 
of  thirty-eight  articles,  since  published  in  print,  but  not  yet 


John  Smyth's  Repentance  157 

supplemented  by  the  two  additional  articles.  The  Frisian 
reply  informs  us  : — "  as  regards  the  request  for  our  advice 
and  examination  which  you  desire  about  the  thirty-eight 
articles  of  creed  presented  to  us,  this  is  all  in  vain,"  etc. 

The  Frisian  brethren  kept  silent  at  first  and  when,  in  a 
letter  of  the  i6th  of  July,  an  answer  was  required  from 
them  within  a  fortnight,  they,  July  28,  bitterly  disapproved 
this  rashness,  desired  that  all  the  Mennonite  churches  in 
Germany  and  at  the  East-sea  should  also  be  acquainted  with 
it,  referred  to  controversies  among  themselves,  declared 
they  had  not  yet  had  time  to  read  the  confession,  and  said 
of  the  Englishmen  : — "  this  people  with  their  absurd  labour 
and  service,"  and  of  their  baptism: — "an  affair  never 
heard  of,  therefore  we  will  leave  it  as  it  is  and  we  shall  be- 
have ourselves  according  to  the  instruction  given  us  in  the 
word  of  God." 

In  this  situation  of  things  the  Amsterdam  Consistory 
however  anxious  to  accept  the  Englishmen  as  members  pre- 
ferred to  defer  it  still  a  little  longer.  Whether  this  delay, 
— the  desire  having  already  been  expressed  one  year  and  a 
half  previously,  led  the  English  at  last  to  withdraw  them- 
selves ;  or,  if  it  was  in  consequence  of  the  refusal  to  admit 
their  venerated  teacher  John  Smyth,  whose  baptism  the 
Consistory  did  not  regard  as  valid,  though  not  objecting  to 
that  of  the  other  ones,  we  do  not  know. 

It  is  shown,  however,  that  John  Smyth  and  thirteen 
others  obliterated  their  signatures  on  the  confession  and 
that  during  the  first  years  no  union  was  concluded.  Yet 
the  friendly  relations  with  the  Mennonites  continued. 
Smyth  even  defended  Hans  de  Ries  and  Eubbert  Gerrits 
when  these,  after  having  added  two  articles  to  the  confes- 
sion and  republished  it,  were  attacked  on  the  side  of  the 
Reformed.  The  manuscript  of  this  copious  defence,  written 
in  Latin  and  with  a  Dutch  translation    by  the  Mennonite 


158  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

pastor  Reinier  Wybrands,  is  still  preserved  in  the  Archives 
of  the  Amsterdam  Mennonite  Church. 

Smyth's  approval  of  the  inserted  article  XIX  which  the 
opponents  called  "  Schwenckfeldian,"*  is  shown  by  his 
"  Retraction  of  Errors  ",  page  VII  :— "  another  imputation 
is  of  some  moment,  that  I  should  affirm  Christ  in  the  flesh 
to  be  a  figure  of  himself  in  the  spirit,  and  that  men  are  not 
so  much  to  strive  about  the  natural  flesh  of  Christ  as  about 
his  spiritual  flesh,  and  that  the  contention  concerning  the 
natural  flesh  of  Christ  is  like  the  contention  of  the  soldiers 
for  Christ's  coat.  .  .  It  is  the  spirit  that  quickeneth,  the 
flesh  profiteth  nothing." 


*The  works  of  Scbwenkfeld  were  translated  into  English  by  the 
late  Rev.  Dr.  Chester  D.  Hartrauft  and  published.  The  Schwench- 
f elders  have  their  schools  at  Pennsburg,  and  their  churches  and  chief 
congregations  in  Montgomery  County  in  Pennsylvania.  — Ed. 


CHAPTER    XX 

John  Smyth's  Parting  Word 

JOHN  SMYTH  now  carefully  avoided  all  coutrovers}', 
except  the  short  reply  he  published  in  1610  toClyfton's 
book.  It  is  entitled  :  "  A  reply  to  Mr.  R.  Clyfton's  Chris- 
tian plea."  Otherwise,  there  had  been  every  reason  for 
John  Smyth  to  do  so.  No  fewer  than  five  pamphlets  were 
written  against  him  :  Henry  Ainsworth,  a  defence  of  the 
Holy  Scriptures,  Worship  and  Ministry  used  in  the  Chris- 
tian churches  separated  from  Antichrist,  1609;  R.  Clyfton, 
A  plea  for  infants  and  elder  people  concerning  their  baptism, 
or  a  proce.sse  of  the  passages  between  Mr.  John  Smyth  and 
Richard  Clyfton,  Amsterdam,  1610,  4''\  pp.  226  ;  Francis 
Johnson,  A  brief  treatise  containing  some  grounds  and 
reasons  against  two  errors  of  the  Anabaptists,  1609  or  1610  ; 
R.  Bernard,  Plaine  Evidences:  the  Church  of  England  is 
apostolical  ;  the  separation  schismaticall,  directed  against 
Mr.  Ainsworth  the  Separtist  and  Mr.  Smyth  the  Se-baptist, 
1610  ;  J.  H.,  A  Description  of  the  Church  of  Christ  against 
certaine  Anabaptisticall  and  erronious  opinions  maintained 
and  practised  by  one  Master  John  Smyth,  i6ro. 

But  John  Smyth  supported  this  all  and  imposed  Silence 
upon  himself. 

A  couple  of  years  before  his  death,  Smyth,  in  a  parting 
word,  published  posthumously  wrote,  "if  any  man  say, 
why  then  do  you  not  answer  the  books,  written  in  opposi- 
tion ?  My  answer  is,  my  desire  is  to  end  all  controversies 
among  Christians  rather  than  to  make  and  maintain  them, 
especially  in  matters  of  the  outward  church  and  ceremonies  ; 
and  it  is  the  grief  of  my  heart  that  I  have  so  long  cumbered 
myself  and  spent  my  time  therein,  and  I  profess  that  differ- 
ence in  judgment  for  matter  of  circumstance,  as  are  all 
things  of  the  outward  Church,   shall  not  cause  me  to  refuse 


160  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

the  brotherhood  of  any  penitent  and  faithful  Christian 
whatsoever.  And  now  from  this  day  forward  do  I  put  an 
end  to  all  controversies  and  questions  about  the  outward 
church  and  ceremonies  with  all  men,  and  resolve  to  spend 
my  time  in  the  main  matters  wherein  consistheth  salvation. 
Without  repentence,  faith,  remission  of  sin,  and  the  new 
creature,  there  is  no  salvation,  but  there  is  salvation  with- 
out the  truth  of  all  outward  ceremonies  of  the  outward 
church.  If  any  man  say  you  answer  not  because  you  cannot, 
I  say  to  him,  that  I  am  accounted  one  that  cannot  answer  is 
not  my  fame,  but  to  spend  my  time  in  a  full  answer  of  these 
things  of  the  outward  church  which  I  am  bound  to  employ 
better  (necessity  calling  upon  me)  would  be  my  sin,  and  so 
I  had  rather  be  accounted  unable  to  answer,  than  to  be 
bound  in  sin  against  my  conscience.  Again,  if  I  should 
answer,  it  would  breed  further  strife  among  Christians." 

Yet  one  attack  put  his  meekness  to  a  rather  too  severe 
test.  It  was  from  the  first  person  he  baptized,  his  old 
friend  Thomas  Helwys,  who,  not  yet  satisfied  with  having 
excommunicated  John  Smyth,  issued,  two  years  after,  in 
1611,  a  writing  mingled  with  gall  and  bitterness,  which  he 
addressed  to  HansdeRies,  Renier  Wybrands  and  their  con- 
gregations. We  here  quote  only  page  35  : — "  Mr.  John 
Smyth  is  fallen,  denying  the  words  of  our  Saviour,  Matthew 
XVII:20.  And  this  man,  like  Balaam,  hath  consulted  with 
you  and  hath  put  a  stumblingblock  before  the  people  of 
God  who  were  also  enlightened  ;  and  so  are  many,  as  you 
know,  fallen  with  him  to  the  same  sin  and  under  the  same 
condemnation." 

That  was  going  too  far.  John  Smyth  could  not  keep 
silence  any  longer.  But  how  different  was  his  manner  of 
writing  from  his  former  censorious  course  !  He  says  :  "In 
the  days  of  my  blind  zeal  and  preposterous  imitation  of 
Christ  I  was  somewhat  lavish  in  censuring  and  judging 
others,  and  namely  in  the  way  of  separation,  called  Brownism. 


John  Smyth's  Parting  Word  161 

Generally,  all  those  biting  and  bitter  words,  phrases  and 
speeches,  used  against  the  professors  of  the  land,  I  utterly 
retract  and  revoke,  as  not  being  of  the  spirit  of  Christ,  but 
of  the  disciples, who  would  have  called  for  fire  and  brimstone 
from  heaven,  which  Christ  rebuketh.  The  contention  hath 
broken  the  rules  of  love  and  charity,  which  is  the  superior 
law.  For  my  part,  the  Lord  hath  taught  me,  for  hereafter 
shall  I  set  a  watch  before  my  mouth,  that  I  sin  not  again  in 
that  kind  and  degree  ....  The  Articles  of  Religion 
which  are  the  ground  of  my  Salvation  are  these,  wherein  I 
differ  from  no  good  Christian  :  That  Jesus  Christ,  the  sou 
of  God  and  the  son  of  Mary,  is  the  anointed  King,  Priest 
and  Prophet  of  the  Church,  the  only  mediator  of  the  new 
Testament,  and  that  through  true  repentance  and  faith  in 
Him,  who  alone  is  our  Saviour,  we  receive  remission  of  sins 
and  the  Holy  Ghost  in  this  life,  and  therewith  all  the  re- 
demption of  our  bodies,  and  everlasting  life  in  the  resurrec- 
tion of  the  body  ;  and  whosoever  walketh  according  to  this 
rule,  I  must  needs  acknowledge  him  my  brother  ;  yea, 
although  he  differ  from  me  in  divers  other  particulars." 

It  is  irue,  that  he  still  strenuously  defended  his  opinion 
against  that  of  Helwys  ;  and,  indeed,  refutes  all  imputations 
cast  upon  him  by  the  latter  ;  but,  when  remembering  the 
cause  of  their  estrangement  ;  the  lawfulness  to  form  a  church 
and  to  baptize,  he  exclaims  : — "  In  these  outward  matters, 
I  dare  not  any  more  contend  with  any  man,  but  desire  that 
we  may  follow  the  truth  of  repentance,  faith  and  regenera- 
tion, and  lay  aside  dissension  for  mint,  comine  and  anis 
seed." 

In  this  manner,  John  Smyth  wrote  during  the  last  seven 
weeks  of  his  life,  while  he  felt  his  strength  daily  decreasing 
and  death  approaching, 

Bradford  ("Dialogue  by  Young."  page  451)  tells  us: 
"Mr.  Smyth  lived  not  many  years  after,  but  died  there 
of  a  consumption,  to  which  he  was  inclined,  before  he  came 
out  of  England." 


162  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

Two  days  before  his  death,  John  Smyth  answered  to  one 
asking  him  a  question,  which  tended  to  strife  : — "  I  desire 
to  hear  no  contention  now." 

Not  only  in  this  respect  ;  not  only  in  his  gentleness,  but 
also  in  his  discourses  with  his  wife  and  children,  in  his  ex- 
hortations to  the  members  of  his  church  who  visited  him, 
and  especially  by  his  most  perfect  trust  in  God,  to  whom  he 
devoted  himself  with  all  his  heart,  and  whose  name  he  still 
praised  in  the  hour  of  death, — his  dying  was  for  his  congre- 
gation a  more  edifying,  sanctifying  and  certainly  more 
touching  preaching  of  the  Gospel,  than  in  the  course  of  his 
life  he  had  ever  set  forth. 

In  "Life  and  death  of  John  Smyth"  we  read: — "It 
pleased  the  Lord  at  the  length  to  visit  him  with  sickness 
and  with  a  disease  whereby  he  perceived,  that  his  life  should 
not  long  continue,  yet  remaining  about  seven  weeks,  during 
the  which  space  he  behaved  himself  Christianlike,  examining 
his  life,  confessing  his  sins,  praying  for  patience,  having 
always  confidence  in  the  mercy  and  favour  of  the  Lord 
toward  him  in  the  end." 


CHAPTER  XXI 

Fusion  with  the  Mennonites 

THE  burial  registers  state  that  John  Smyth's  body  was 
interred  on  the  ist  of  September  1612,  in  the  New 
Church  at  Amsterdam.  His  congregation  kept  faithfully 
together. 

Joseph  Ivimey,  who  as  customary,  copies  Crosby,  mis- 
states in  his  "  History  of  the  English  Baptists,"  vol.  11 
page  505  : — "on  the  death  of  Mr.  Smyth  the  care  of  the 
church  was  committed  to  Mr.  Helwisse  and  soon  after  they 
returned  to  I^ondon,  from  an  idea  that  they  had  done  wrong 
to  fly  from  persecution." 

Thomas  Pigott  was  now  the  next  pastor,  who  did  homage 
to  John  Smyth's  memory  by  publishing  his  last  work  : 
"Retraction  of  errors  and  confirmation  of  the  truth,"  to 
which  he  added  a  preface,  a  short  memoir  and  a  confession 
of  faith  of  John  Smyth.  The  confession  is  entitled  : — 
"  Propositions  and  conclusions  concerning  true  christian 
religion,  containing  a  confession  of  faith  of  certain  English 
people,  living  at  Amsterdam,"  sometimes  simply  termed 
"  confession  of  the  remainder  of  Mr.  Smyth's  Company." 

Thomas  Crosby  ("The  History  of  the  English  Baptists," 
page  271)  confounds  this  confession  with  that  of  Helwys, 
entitled:  "A  declaration  of  the  faith  of  English  people 
remaining  at  Amsterdam  in  Holland,"  which  led  to  the 
errors  of  many  subsequent  authors ;  29,  Underbill 
("Tracts,"  179  note),  Hanbury  ("  Memorials,"  page  179), 
etc.  Even  Robert  Barclay  ("The  Inner- life  of  the  Relig- 
ious Societies,"  page  96  note)  misstates  that  the  church 
which  published  John  Smyth's  confession,  was  another  one 
than  that  which  united  with  the  Mennonites. 

This  confession  does  not,  as  to  the  main  points,  differ 
from  that  which  Smyth  delivered  when  applying  for  union 


164  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

with  the  Mennonites,  and  accordingly  does  agree  with  the 
confession  of  Hans  de  Ries  and  Lubbert  Gerrits,  which  he 
had  undersigned.  It  is  particularly  characteristic,  because 
of  its  sharp  expressions  of  the  doctrine  of  predestination  : 
(article  XXV  and  XXVI)  "That  God  before  the  founda- 
tion of  the  world  hath  determined  the  way  of  life  and  salva- 
tion to  consist  in  Christ  and  that  he  hath  foreseen  who 
would  follow  it  ;  on  the  contrary  he  hath  determined  the 
way  of  perdition  to  consist  in  impenitency  and  infidelity, 
and  that  he  hath  also  foreseen,  who  would  follow  after  it. 
That  as  no  man  begotteth  his  child  to  the  gallows,  nor  no 
potter  maketh  a  pot  to  break  it,  so  God  doth  not  create  and 
predestinate  any  man  to  destruction."* 

Not  only  in  that  respect,  did  Thomas  Pigott  and  his  com- 
pany vindicate  John  Smyth's  memory.  They,  too,  main- 
tained very  friendly  relations  with  the  Mennonites.  They 
did  not  reply  to  Helwys'  imputations  in  his  "  Mistery  of 
Iniquity,"  and  they  silenced  Robinson's  harsh,  sometimes 
bitter  refutations.  Ridiculing  their  venerated  John  Smyth, 
Robinson  in  his  book  "  of  religious  communion  private  and 
public — as  also  a  survey  of  the  confession  of  faith,  published 
in  certain  conclusions  by  the  remainders  of  Mr.  Smyth's 
company,  1614,"  breaks  out  : — "but  lo  !  here  another  mis- 
chief ;  the  persuasion  of  perfection  in  holiness,  which  these 
men  would  also  have  us  think  Mr.  Smyth  had  attained,  a 
little  before  his  death.  And  it  made  well  for  the  credit  of 
the  doctrine,  that  he  did  not  survive  :  for  then  the  imper- 
fections of  his  life  would  have  discovered  the  error  of  the 
doctrine.  Yea,  verily,  if  this  were  his  faith  here  published, 
it  is  too  evident  how  far  he  was  from  perfection." 

In  no  long  time  their  friendship  with  the  Mennonites  led 
them  to  make  another  application  for  fellowship  with  that 
community.     The  only  objection  to  this  on  the  part  of  the 

*An  English  translation  from  the  Dutch  text  preserved  in  the 
Archives  of  the  Amsterdam  Mennonite  Church,  see  Appendix  H. 


Fusion  with  the  Mennonites  165 

Mennonites,  was  that  Smyth's  se-baptism,  had  been  neu- 
tralized by  his  death.  Indeed,  the  request  of  the  English 
was  this  time,  November  6,  1614,  readily  submitted  to  by 
the  Mennouite  Consistory.  On  the  following  Sunday, 
November  9,  it  was  brought  before  the  brethren,  "so  that 
any  one,  having  serious  reasons  to  oppose  against  it,  might 
communicate,  within  three  weeks,  to  the  servants  his  objec- 
tions to  it." 

No  one  then  made  objection,  nor  again,  when  the  Con- 
sistory, January  18,  1615,  called  them  up  again,  announcing 
at  the  same  time  that,  unless  there  were  hindrance,  the 
union  would  be  consumated  Wednesday  the  21st,  on  the 
occasion  of  the  baptism  by  Hans  de  Ries  of  some  new  mem- 
bers. 

In  the  Memorial,  or  records  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
church,  marked  A,  and  in  those  of  its  servants,  of  the  year 
1612,  marked  B,  both  written  by  Reinier  Wybrands,  an 
eye-witness  and  teacher  of  the  United  Mennonite  Church  at 
Amsterdam,  we  read:  "On  the  20th  of  January,  of  the 
year  1615,  the  English  of  the  bake-house,  both  men  and 
women,  about  30  persons  were  convened  by  us  servants  in 
our  spycker,*  and  having  come,  asked  :  ist  if  they  still 
persisted  in  their  intention  to  unite  with  our  congregation  ? 
they  answered  yes.  2nd,  if  in  the  tenets  and  confession  of 
faith,  which  they  had  signed  in  their  own  handwriting,  all 
of  them  were  still  one  in  sentiment  with  us?  whereupon 
they  declared  such  to  be  the  case,  except  a  few,  about  4, 
who  did  not  agree  in  some  points,  but  were  of  a  different 
opinion,  principally  respecting  magistry  and  taking  an  oath, 
which  both  points  were  mentioned,  but  would,  with  the 
others,  behave  themselves  peaceably  and  make  no  opposi- 
tion. It  was  proposed  by  us  :  to  admit  all  those  who  were 
the  same  with  us  and  to  reject  the  others,  till  they  had 
changed  their  minds  and  could  agree  with  us.     They  then 

*  Name  of  their  meeting-house. 


166  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

deliberated  amongst  themselves  and  answered,  that  they 
could  not  separate  from  each  other,  and  either  to  be 
admitted  all  of  them,  or  rejected,"  as  their  brethren, 
though  somewhat  differing  from  them,  tolerated  them  from 
love.  Then  we  consulted  together  on  it,  and  returned  for 
answer,  that  we  propose,  as  before,  to  admit  all  those  who 
agree  with  us  in  the  points  of  the  tenet,  but  that  to  admit 
them  all,  who  agree,  and  who  disagree  with  us,  we  scrupple 
to  do  and  dare  not  do,  but  will  consult  our  brethren,  and 
inform  them  of  it,  as  we  have  nothing  told  our  brethren, 
but  that  all  of  them  agreed  with  us  in  the  tenets,  as  they 
had  signed  the  confession  of  faith  in  their  own  handwriting. 
And  thereupon,  to  the  regret  of  many  of  them,  we  took 
leave  that  night.  Next  day,  being  the  21st  of  Januarj', 
they  came  to  us,  early  in  the  morning,  to  say  that,  after 
having,  during  the  night,  discussed  the  matter  among  them 
all,  it  was  agreed  that  those,  who  were  found  to  be  one  in 
sentiment  with  us,  should  proceed  to  join  our  community, 
as  they  got  to  know  that  the  others  would  not  grieve  them- 
selves at  it,  but  adviced  to  the  union,  for  which  they  had 
been  a  hindrance.  Such  was  accordingly  done,  after  the 
baptism  of  those  who  were  to  be  baptized,  and  they  were, 
without  baptism,  in  public  assembly,  admitted  to  our  fel- 
lowship. May  God  retain  them  therein  to  their  salvation  ! 
Amen." 

Even  after  this  fusion,  the  English  continued  their  dis- 
tinct worship  in  the  "Bakehouse,"  where  the  preaching 
was  in  English,  and  which,  after  Jan  Hunter's  death,  his 
widow  let  to  them.  Still  June  8,  1620,  their  teacher  was 
Thomas  Pigott — and  not  Thomas  Denys,  as  Evans  ("  Early 
Baptists,"  II,  page  25  note)  supposes — [assisted  by]  Reinier 
Wybrands  and  his  co-elder  Pieter  Andriesz.  Herseling 
ordained  to  the  full  service,  that  is,  admitted  to  administer 
baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper.  Formerly  Pigott  used 
only  to  preach. 


Fusion  with  the  Mennonites  167 

Down  to  1637,  instances  occur  of  baptisms  administered 
in  their  place  of  worship.  Accordingly,  the  congregation 
had  in  some  respects  a  distinct  existence,  though  being 
closely  connected  with  the  Mennonites.  The  baptized  and 
newly  received  persons  were  at  once  looked  upon  as  members 
of  the  head  church,  which  church  distributed  the  alms, 
disciplined  offenders,  and  even  kept  the  meeting  house  in 
repair.  In  the  Administration  Books  of  the  Amsterdam 
Menuonite  Church  is  entered,  September  26,  1619  :  "By 
Wages  for  the  Bake-house." 

Yet  when  Thomas  Pigott  had  died  in  1639  *  the  Consistory 
found  it  unnecessary  to  have  a  distinct  place  of  meeting 
any  longer,  and  resolved  on  abolishing  the  preaching  in  the 
English  tongue.  The  English  and  their  children  now  un- 
derstood the  Dutch  language  sufficiently  to  attend  to  the 
Church  of  the  Mennonites.  In  the  course  of  the  last  three 
years,  eight  of  English  origin  had  applied  for  baptism  to 
the  Dutch  teachers  against  one  to  Pigott.  Consequently, 
the  English  section  ceased. 

Nevertheless,  the  Consistory  had,  July  8,  1640,  appointed 
a  teacher  one  of  its  most  eminent  members,  dr.  Joseph 
Drewe,  perhaps  a  son  of  John  Drewe,  who,  together  with 
Thomas  Jessop  and  Thomas  Helwys'  wife,  had  been  prose- 
cuted in  England  before  the  Court  of  a  Brownist,  July  26, 
1607,  and  whose  daughter,  Febe  was  baptized,  1639,  herein 
Amsterdam.  But  Joseph  Drewe  "feared  his  speech,  that 
is,  his  language,  will  be  an  impediment,  as  he  was  used  to 
the   English." 

The  dwellings  surrounding  the  place  of  meeting  continued 

*  Probably,  as  according  to  any  Account-Book  of  the  Amsterdam 
Mennonite  Church,  Sara  van  Tongerloo,  Jan  Muuter's  widow,  re- 
deemed in  1639  the  mortgage,  for  which  the  Bakehouse  was  pledged 
as  security  for  a  still  unpaid  legacy  of  four  thousand  Dutch  guilders, 
bequeathed  by  Jan  blunter  to  the  Amsterdam  Mennonite  Church,  by 
a  four  per-cent  obligation  on  the  part  of  Thomas  Pigott,  and,  August 
16  of  the  same  year,  Pigott's  wife,  Aaltje  (alice)  was  termed  :  widow, 
in  a  deed  of  transfer  of  a  house  of  which  she  was  a  joint-proprietor. 


168  History  of  the  Free  Cpiurchmen 

to  be  occupied  by  the  Pigotts,  the  Armfields,  the  Drewes, 
the  Dragons,  the  Hodgkins,  but  came,  the  one  after  the 
other,  eleven  houses  containing  twenty-three  dwellings, 
still  always  called  the  "Bakehouse" — into  the  possession 
of  the  Mennonite  Church,  till  they  were  at  last  sold  in  1709 
for  6020  guilders,  15  strivers,  4  penningen,  Dutch  currency, 
equal  to  fully  ^500. 

These  buildings  are  still  always  to  be  found  in  one  of  the 
most  cuiious  and  narrow  alleys  of  Amsterdam,  partly 
vaulted,  and  winding  with  five  acute  angles  along  and  across 
the  space,  above  referred  to,  between  Rembrandts-square 
and  Paarden-street.  This  alley  is,  after  former  inhabitants, 
rightly  called  the  English  alley. 

Half  a  century  ago,  the  popular  local  tradition  still  per- 
sisted—what all  writers  who  described  Amsterdam,  had 
long  before  forgotten,  viz.:  that  an  English  Church  formerly 
existed  there.  It  had  been  the  meeting-place  of  the  mother 
church  of  the  Baptists,  and  not  of  the  Quakers,  as  the 
Dutch  writer  on  Amsterdam,  J.  ter  Gouw,  misstates. 


CHAPTER  XXII 
Thomas  Helwys  And  His  Nine  Adherents 

MEANWHILE  what   had  become  of  Thomas  Helwys 
and  his  nine  adherents  ? 
They  had  never  revoked   the  excommunication  of  John 
Smyth  and  his  company.     Consequently  they  were  shut  out 
of  their  former  place  of  meeting,  the  "  Bakehouse,"  w^hich 
remained  the  property  of  the  majority,  their  opponents. 

From  March  1609,  until  some  time  in  1611,  or  about  two 
years  and  a  half,  they  assembled  and  partook  of  the  Lord's 
Supper  every  Sunday,  probably  in  the  house  of  one  of  their 
members.  Thomas  Helwys  occupied  a  prominent  position 
among  them.  He  also  showed  himself  an  author.  First,  I 
suppose,  by  an  Advertisement  and  Admonition  to  the  Men- 
nonite  congregation  ;  next,  by  a  confession  of  faith  ;  and 
then,  by  a  short  and  clear  proof  from  God's  Word,  that 
God's  decree  is  not  the  cause  of  sin  and  condemnation. 

The  said  Advertisement  dated  July  2,  i6ir,  containing  94 
16  mo.  pages,  was  originally  written  in  Dutch  for  the  con- 
gregations of  Hans  deRies  and  Reinier  Wybrands,  but  pub- 
lished in  English.  Its  full  title  runs  :— "An  advertisement  or 
admonitions  unto  the  congregations  which  men  call  the  New 
Fryelers  (Freewillers?)  in  the  Low  Countries.  Written  in 
Dutch  and  published  in  English.  Wherein  is  handled  four 
Principal  Points  of  Religion,  etc.  After  these  followes 
certain  Demandes  concerning  God's  Decree  of  Salvation 
and  Condemnation.     Prov.  IX:8,  XXIX:i.     Printed  1611." 

The  book  is  dedicated  to  "Hans  de  Ries,  Reynier 
Wybrantsen  and  the  congregations  whereof  thy  are." 
This  dedication  is  signed  :  Thomas  Helwys. 

He  tries  to  argue  therein  his  view  of  his  four  points  of 
difference  with  the  Mennonites.  The  sub-divisions  are 
headed  : 


170  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

I.  that  Christ  took  his  flesh  of  Marie,  having  a  true 
earthhe,  naturall  bodie. 

II.  that  a  Sabbath  or  day  of  rest  is  to  be  kept  holy  everie 
first  day  of  the  weeke. 

III.  That  ther  is  no  succession  or  privilege  to  persons  in 
the  holie  thinges. 

IV.  that  magistracie,  being  an  holy  ordinance  of  God, 
debarreth  not  any  from  being  of  the  Church  of  Christ. 

This  last  assertion  concerning  magistracy  is  repeated 
verbatim,  in  article  24  of  the  new  edition  of  his  book."  A 
declaration  of  the  faith  of  English  people  remaining  at  Am- 
sterdam," which  was  probably  added  to  aforesaid  writing. 
It  now  contained  twenty-seven  articles  and  had  some  not- 
able omissions,  augmentations  and  alterations.  The  earliest 
version  of  this  confession  is  printed  in  Appendix  F. 

Instead  of  the  positive  denial  of  original  sin.  Article  IV 
of  the  new  edition  declares  that  :  "  men  are  by  nature  the 
children  of  wrath,  born  in  iniquitie  and  in  sin  conceived, 
wise  to  all  evil,  but  to  good  they  have  no  knowledge." 

Freedom  of  will,  atonement  for  the  sins  of  all  mankind, 
that  the  saints  might  fall  from  grace,  all  this  was,  however, 
maintained. 

Article  XVII,  concerning  church  discipline,  wherein  the 
previous  customary  admonition  of  the  congregation  is 
mentioned,  has  the  notable  addition  :  — "  and  therefore  not 
the  committing  of  sin  doth  cut  off  any  from  the  church  to 
reformation." 

We  look  here  in  vain  for  the  large  article  XVII,  of  the 
early  Confession,  concerning  the  adiapJiora.  On  the  other 
hand,  we  find  here  quite  new  declarations  with  regard  to 
the  power  to  form  a  church  and  administer  the  seals  (XI), 
to  the  mutual  relations  between  distinct  congregations  and 
its  servants  (XI,  XIX,  XXI,  XXII),  to  the  Bible  as  a 
standard  of  faith  (XXII);  besides  an  intentional  defense 
that  it  is  lawful  for  a  Christian  to  fulfill  the  office  of  a  mag- 


Thomas  Helwys  and  his  Nine  Adherents      171 

istrate  and  to  take  an  oath  by  the  name  of  the  Lord, — this 
last  of  course  in  opposition  to  the  principles  of  the 
Mennonites. 

The  fifth  article  of  the  confession  dealing  with  election 
and  condemnation,  led  to  the  refutations,  against  which 
Helwys  tried  to  argue  in  his  third  mentioned  writing.  It  is 
entitled:  "A  short  and  plaine  proofe  by  the  Word  and 
works  of  God,  that  God's  decree  is  tiot  the  cause  off  anye 
Manns  sinne  or  condemnation,  and  that  all  Men  are  re- 
deemed by  Christ.  As  also  that  no  infants  are  condemned. 
Col.  II  8,  Psalm  (XIX:ii3.     Printed   1611,8^288  pages." 

According  to  professor  W.  H.  Whitsitt  of  the  Baptist 
Seminary,  of  Louisville,  Kentucky,  there  is  such  an  affinity 
in  type  with  Helwys'  subsequent  Work:  "  Mistery  of 
iniquity,"  published  at  London  in  1612,  that  he  thinks  this 
book  to  be  from  the  same  press.  Yet  to  argue  from  it,  that 
Helwys  had  already  in  June  1611  left  Amsterdam,  is,  I 
think,  somewhat  rash,  as  the  English  people,  though  living 
here  in  Holland,  had  continually  printed  their  books  in 
London,  through  the  medium  of  their  friends  there. 

A  letter  inserted  in  Chr.  Lawne's  "  Prophane  schism," 
page  56,  shows,  that  Thomas  Helwys  was,  with  his  nine 
associates,  still  July  8,  i6ri,  in  Amsterdam.  It  is  therein 
stated  that  three  congregations  of  English  Mennonites  were 
at  that  time  in  Amsterdam  :  Mr.  Smyth,  an  Anabaptist  of 
one  sort,  and  Mr.  Helwise  of  another,  and  Mr.  Busher  of 
another." 

Thomas  Helwys  dedicated,  June  2,  161 1,  his  book  to 
Lady  Bowes.  In  that  dedication  we  read: — "that  God 
giveing  Adam  freewil  and  power  in  himself  not  to  eate  of 
the  forbidden  fruit  and  live,  or  to  eate  and  dye,  could  not 
in  his  eternal  decree  ordayne  or  appoint  him  to  life  or  death, 
for  then  had  his  freewil  bene  overthrowne  ;  and  if  Adam 
had  not  eaten  and  sinned  (which  was  in  his  owne  power) 
then  had  not  death  entred.     Therefore  God  did  not  decree 


172  History  of  the  Free"  Churchmen 

that  death  should  enter  and  then  God's  decree  is  not  the 
cause  of  anie  man's  condemnation." 

In  the  last  part  of  the  j'ear  1611,  rumors  from  England 
gave  rise  to  another  question  than  that  of  the  profound 
doctrine  of  predestination  exercised  still  more  the  minds  of 
Thomas  Helwys  and  his  companions.  It  was  this  :  whether 
flight  in  persecution  were  permitted  ? 

The  rulers  of  the  Church  of  England,  inflamed  with  rage 
towards  those  holding  a  different  opinion,  siezed  Bartholo- 
mew Legate  and  Edward  Wightman  and  sentenced  them  to 
death.  After  a  long  imprisonment  both  these  men  were 
burnt  at  the  stake,  the  first  on  March  18  and  the  second  on 
April  II,  1612. 

Whether  or  not  persecution  in  England  influenced  their 
minds  or  not  the  question  was :  can  we,  with  a  good  con- 
science, justify  our  residence  here  in  Holland?  In  his 
book,  "A  short  declaration  of  the  mistery  of  iniquity," 
Helwys  says  : — "  Furthermore  if  Christ  gave  this  for  a  rule 
or  precept  to  his  disciples  to  flee  persecution  to  save  them- 
selves then  was  it  an  absolute  commandement  and  so  did  al 
the  apostles  and  disciples  of  Christ  breake  his  commande- 
ment and  sinne,  in  that  they  did  not  flee  to  save  themselves 
alwaies  when  they  were  persecuted  and  hereby  do  these  men 
condemne  all  their  brethren  that  flee  not  as  they  do,  except 
they  wil  and  [add  ?]  error  to  error  and  afflrme  as  some  of 
them  do,  that  it  is  indifferent  to  flee  or  not  to  flee,  making 
hereby  this  precept  of  Christ  indifferent  to  be  obeyed  or 
not  to  be  obeyed,  which  can  not  be  affirmed  of  anie  one 
precept  of  Christ  :  for  nothing  can  bee  both  commanded 
and  indifferent  to  be  obeyed  or  done,  and  those  words  of 
Christ  wil  no  way  permit  such  iudifferenci,  for  they  are  an 
absolute  precept  for  that  and  for  the  which  they  are  given 
which  is  not  to  flee  to  save  themselves  but  to  flee  or  go  to 
another  citie  to  preach  the  gospel.  And  we  put  these 
seducers  in  remembrance  that  our  Saviour  Christ  gives  this 


Thomas  Helwys  and  his  Nine  Adherents      173 

rule  also  unto  his  disciples,  that  if  they  shal  enter  into  anie 

house  or  citie  that  shal  not  receive  them,  no  heare  his  words 

when    they  depart    thence   they  shal  shake  of    the  dust  of 

their    feet    for  a  witnes  against    that   house  or  citie.     But 

when  will  these  men  according  to  this  rule  of  Christ  shake 

of    the  dust  of   their  feet    for  a  witness  against  Amsterdam 

and  Leyden  which  cities  neither  receive  them  nor  the  word 

they  bring  otherwise  then  they  receive  Turks  and  Jews  and 

all    sorts  who  come  onely  to  seek    safety  and    profit.     It 

should  seeme  this  rule  of  Christ,  apperteynes  not  to  these 

men  but  let  them  and  al  men  se,  that  this  rule  apperteynes 

to  whom  so  ever    the  other  apperteynes,    they  being   both 

given  at  one  time  and  upon  one  and  the  same  occasion  and 

to   one    and    the   same   persons :    and    when    these    great 

deceivers  have  learned  not  to  divide  Christ  they  wil  learne 

also,  not  to  divide  his  precepts  and  ordinances,  taking  what 

is  agreable  to  their  corrupt  mynds,  and  forsaking  what  is 

contrary  to  them.     We  wil  passe  by  the  lamentable  fruits 

and  iudgments  that  we  have  and  doe  se  with  our  eies  fol- 

lowes  this  damnable  error  when  manie,  yea,  the  most  men 

that  had  in  a  great  measure  forsake  the  love  of  the  world 

and    begun    to   be    zealous   of   some    good    thinges,    being 

drawne   by  this  opinion  and    these  seducers  into    foreyne 

countries,  not  knowing  which  way  to  support  their  outward 

estate  have  turned  againe  unto  the  world,  and  are  fayne  to 

hunt  too  and  froo,  far  and  neare,  after  every  occasion,  and 

al  is  too  little  to  satisfy  most  of   their  wants  and  nothinge 

wil  satisfie  some  of  their  descries  :  al  these  things  and  manie 

more,    these    hirelings,     their   shepheards,    can  wel    bear 

withall,  so  that  they  returne  to  the  hive,  that  their  portion 

may  not    be  reproved  and    those  of    best  harts  and  some  of 

best  quality  that  cannot  runne  and  rove,  and  set  their  hearts 

to  seeke  the  world  consume  that  they  have  and  fal  under 

have  conditions  and  by  little  and  little  loose  .   .   .  And  let 

none  thinke  that  we  are  altogether  ignorant  what  building, 


174  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

and  warfare  we  take  in  hand,  and  that  we  have  not  sitt 
downe  and  in  some  measure  throughly  considered  what  the 
cost  and  danger  may  be,  and  also  let  none  thinke  that  we 
are  without  seuce  and  feeling  of  our  owne  inability  to  begin 
and  our  weaknes  to  endure  to  the  end,  the  weight  and 
danger  of  such  a  worke  :  but  in  al  these  things  we  hope  and 
waite  for  wisedome  and  strength,  and  helpe  from  the  Lord, 
who  is  able  to  establish  us,  that  we  may  stand,  and  by 
weake  meanes  to  confound  mighty  thinges,  I  Cor.  i.  Let 
none  therefore  despise  the  day  of  small  things,  Zach.  IV,  lo. 
Nor  bee  grieved  and  say  with  that  scorner  Nehem  IV,  24, 
what  wil  these  weake  Jewes  doe  ?  Thus  comending  al  our 
poore  endeavors  to  the  best  acceptance  of  every  wel  dis- 
posed reader  beseeching  the  Lord  to  make  his  grace  to 
abound  to  you  al,  for  the  glory  of  his  name  &  the  salvation 
of  every  one  of  your  soules.     Amen." 

Indeed,  this  resolution  did  not  deserve  John  Robinson's 
scornful  censure.  He  saj^s  (Works  III,  page  159): — 
"  neither  is  it  likely,  if  he  (Helwys)  and  the  people  with 
him  at  Amsterdam  could  have  gone  on  comfortably,  as  they 
desired,  that  the  unlawfulness  of  flight  would  ever  have 
troubled  him." 

Nevertheless  before  the  end  of  the  year  161 1,  Helwys 
and  his  nine  adherents  had  returned  to  England.  Poor 
small  company,  what  could  it  do?  Will  it  keep  quiet,  and 
escape,  if  possible,  the  quick  eyes  of  its  persecutors? 

Far  from  it  !  No  sooner  were  they  settled  at  Spittlefield 
than  Thomas  Helwys  published  his  book  "  A  short  declara- 
tion of  the  mistery  of  iniquity,"  a  copious  work  of  212 
pages  i6""\  It  discloses  the  deplorable  state  of  the  religious 
life,  applies  the  prophecy  of  the  second  Beast  in  the  Revela- 
tion to  the  Church  of  England,  describes  the  king's  duties 
and  rights  and  points  out  the  errors,  as  well  of  the  Puritans 
as  of  the  Brownists. 

This  was  not  all.     Helwys  ev-en  sent  a  copy  of  it,  with  a 


Thomas  Helwys  and  his  Nine  Adherents       175 

letter,  under  his  hand,  to  the  King.     Both  book  and  letter 
are  still  preserved  in  the  British  Museum. 

The  letter  runs  : 

"  Heare,  o  king,  and  dispise  not  ye  counsell  of  ye  poore, 
and  let  their  complaints  come  before  thee. 

"  The  king  is  a  mortall  man,  and  not  God,  therefore  hath 
no  power  over  ye  immortall  soules  of  his  subiects,  to  make 
lawes  and  ordinances  for  them,  and  to  set  spirituall  lords 
over  them. 

"  If  the  king  have  authority  to  make  spirituall  lords  and 
lawes,  then  he  is  an  immortall  God,  and  not  a  mortall  man. 

"  O  King,  be  not  seduced  by  deceivers  to  sin  so  against 
God,  whome  thou  oughtest  to  obey,  nor  against  they  poore 
subiects,  who  ought  and  will  obey  thee  in  all  thinges,  with 
body,  life  and  goods,  or  els  let  their  lives  be  taken  from  ye 
earth. 

Thomas  Helwys. 

"  God  save  ye  king. 

"  Spittlefield,  neare  London." 

It  appeared  again,  that  fortune  favors  the  bold.  At  least, 
no  harm  was  done  to  Thomas  Helwys.  His  little  circle 
widened.  There  were  perhaps  among  them  descendants  of 
the  Netherlandres  who  advocated  baptism  on  confession  of 
faith,  who  had  fled  to  England  to  escape  from  the  persecu- 
tions during  the  reign  of  Charles  V  and  Philips  II.  Many 
a  martyr  these  had  already  furnished  to  the  fires  of  Smith- 
field.  However,  true  to  their  principles,  they  still  con- 
tinued to  exist  privately.    ■ 

The  list  of  Mennonite  martys  in  England  opens.  May  25, 
1535.  with  ten  men  and  six  women,  all  from  Holland.  In 
1538  we  find  another  six,  again  from  Holland,  who  perhaps 
came  in  together  with  Anne  of  Cleves.  Sixteen  men  and 
fifteen  women,  "coming  out  of  outward  ports  into  this 
realm,  were  expelled  in  1539.  They  returned  to  Delft, 
where  they  suffered  death  as  martyrs.     Joris,  from  Paris,  a 


176  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

Hollander,  was  burnt  April  24,  1551."  A  proclamation 
issued  by  Queen  Elizabeth  in  1561,  commanded  "  the  Ana- 
baptists and  such  like  heretics,  which  had  flocked  to  the 
coast  towns  of  England,  from  the  parts  beyond  the  sea,  under 
colour  of  shunning  persecution,  and  had  spread  the  poison 
of  their  sects  in  England,  to  depart  the  realm  within  twenty 
days,  whether  they  were  natural-born  people  of  the  land  or 
foreigners,  upon  pain  of  imprisonment  and  loss  of  goods. 
"  A  whole  Congregation  of  Mennonites  was,  Easter,  1575, 
discovered  in  Aldgate  and  destroyed." 

Again  two  years  after,  the  Dutch  Anabaptists  held  pri- 
vate conventicles  in  London  and  "perverted"  a  great 
many. 

There  may  have  been  some  Englishmen  among  the  five 
hundred  Anabaptists  in  one  English  city,  of  whom  Hugh 
Latimer  speaks  in  his  Lent  sermons  preached  before  King 
Edward  VI,  but  for  the  rest,  all  of  them,  except  Jane 
Boucher  of  Kent,  martyred  May  2,  1550,  and  perhaps 
Robert  Cooke,  were  from  the  Netherlands.  Consequently, 
Fox  rightly  writes  in  his  letter  to  Queen  Elizabeth  :  —  "  there 
are  some  Anabaptists  here  in  England,  though  not  English, 
but  come  hither  from  Holland, — and  we  had  great  reason  to 
give  God  thanks  on  this  account,  that  I  hear  not  any 
Englishman,  that  is  inclined  to  this  madness." 

The  name  "  Anabaptist"  became  a  usual  one  of  reproach 
for  heretics,  e.g.  for  Familists,  and,  in  1589  and  i6c8,  even 
for  Brownists.  The  assertion  of  the  Baptists,  that  there 
were  in  England  already  advocates  of  baptism  upon  con- 
fession of  faith,  prior  to  the  arrival  of  Netherland 
Mennonites,  is  utterly  unfounded. 

Leonard  Busher,  a  Londoner,  but  for  some  time  past,  a 
refugee  from  persecution,  to  Amsterdam,  headed  there  a 
party  of  Teleiobaptists,  according  to  Chr.  Lawne,  "  prophane 
schism,"  page  56.      No  other  record  of  it  occurs. 

Leonard  Busher,  having  now  returned  to  London  shared 


Thomas  Helwys  and  his  Nine  Adherents       177 

Helwys'  emotions.  This  is  shown  in  his  "  Religious  peace 
or  a  plea  for  liberty  of  conscience,"  which  excellent  treatise 
was  reprinted  several  times.  First  in  1646  (38  pages  4'°) 
by  Henry  Burton,  who  revealed  the  author's  name.  Lastly, 
in  the  "Tracts"  (page  i  to  81)  of  the  Hansard  Knolly's 
Society. 

In  1614  Leonard  Busher  presented  a  copy  of  the  work  to 
the  King.  In  that  same  year  Thomas  Helwys  had  to  endure 
the  attack,  mentioned  before,  of  John  Robinson.  From 
that  moment,  Helwys'  name  is  no  more  recorded,  but 
replaced  by  that  of  his  partisan  John  Morton. =i=  The  suppo- 
sition is  obvious  that  Thomas  Helwys  died  about  that  time. 
But  his  spirit  survives.  Brooks  ("  Puritans,"  II,  page  282) 
assigns  for  his  death  :  —  "  most  probably  about  the  year 
1620  ;"  R.  Ashton  (Works  of  Robinson,  II,  page  15&  note) 
the  year  1620.  Crosby  (History  of  the  English  Baptists, 
page  275)  says— "  how  long  Mr.  Helwisse  lived  and  con- 
tinued the  elder  of  this  church  of  Baptists  at  London,  I  can 
not  find."  E.  B.  Underbill  when  speaking  of  writings 
published  in  16x5,  rightly  says  :— "  it  is  a  question  whether 
Mr.  Helwys  was  living  at  their  publication."  B.  Evans 
(Early  English  Baptists,  I,  page  226)  states  :—"  of  his 
death  we  know  nothing." 


*See  also  "  John  Robinson,"  by  Walter  H.  Burgess  1920.— Ed. 


CHAPTER  XXIII 
Conclusion 

JOHN  MURTON,  who  replaced  Thomas  Helwys,  exhib- 
ited more  than  ordinary  talents  as  an  author.  He 
published  in  1615  a  tract  bearing  the  title:  "Persecution 
for  religion  judgd  and  condemned,  in  a  discourse  between 
an  Antichristian  and  a  Christian  ;  "In  1620  a  writing  on 
predestination  entitled  :  "A  description  of  what  God  hath 
predestinated  concerning  man,"  16'"",  pages  VIII  and  176; 
and  next,  an  elaborate  address  to  the  King  for  liberty  of 
religion,  headed  :  "A  most  humble  supplication  of  many  of 
the  kings  Majestys  loyal  subjects — who  are  persecuted  only 
for  differing  in  religion." 

Long  after  his  death,  a  paper  from  his  hand  was  found 
when  a  wall  was  taken  down,  at  Colchester  ;  which  MS. 
was  published  by  the  Baptists  under  the  title  of :  "  Truth's 
Champion." 

Yet  the  authorship  of  all  these  tracts  is  questioned.  At 
all  events,  the  production  is  of  John  Murton's  congregation. 
It  is  shown  by  the  references  to  Helwys'  Confession. 
Underbill  ("Tracts,"  page  89)  points  out  the  affinity  in 
style  and  tendency  of  the  tract  on  persecution  for  religion 
and  that  on  predestination.  The  former  Dexter  places  on 
his  biographical  list  of  John  Murton's  works,  while  John 
Robinson  (Works  I,  page  269)  positively  sa3's  that  the 
latter  was  written  by  John  Murton. 

Most  of  these  tracts  were  reprinted  several  times  ;  finally 
in  the  "Tracts  on  Liberty  of  Conscience  "  of  the  Hansard 
Knolly's  Society. 

It  is  not  surprising  that  a  church,  presided  over  by  so 
zealous  a  man  as  John  Murton,  numbered,  about  1626, 
already  one  hundred  and  fifty  members,  in  spite  of  fierce 
persecutions  by  the  State-church  and  of  intestine  contro- 


Conclusion  179 

versies.  Sixteen  members,  under  Elias  Tookey,  were  ex- 
pelled on  that  occasion.  Further  particulars  concerning 
these  controversies  are  found  in  the  correspondence  of  1624 
and  1625  between  them  and  the  United  Mennonite  Congre- 
gation at  Amsterdam  ;  which  letters  are  preserved  in  its 
records. 

The  pamphlet  "Truth's  Victory,"  page  19,  informs  us 
that  John  Murton's  congregation  assembled  in  1645  at  New- 
gate :  "some  thirty  years  ago  Mr.  Murton,  a  teacher  of  a 
church  of  Anabaptists  in  Newgate." 

About  1626  this  congregation  was  in  communication  with 
four  other  gatherings  of  kindred  spirit  at  Lincoln,  Sarum, 
Coventry  and  Tiverton,  On  November  12,  1626,  these  five 
congregations  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Amsterdam  Mennonites 
for  a  complete  union  with  them.  The  letter  was  delivered 
by  two  deputies. 

The  proposed  union  was  hindered  by  the  old  points  of 
difference  respecting  oaths,  the  office  of  a  magistrate,  the 
bearing  of  arms,  the  weekly  celebration  of  the  Lord's  Sup- 
per, the  right  of  any  member  to  administer  the  sacraments, 
in  the  pastor's  absence,  and  finally,  also  the  opinion  on 
incarnation. 

The  answer  to  that  letter  is  dated  November  26,  and  in 
relation  to  it,  there  is  still  a  letter  from  Lincoln,  September 
5,  1630,  and  from  Tiverton  September,  13,  1630. 

All  these  documents  are  preserved  in  the  aforesaid 
archives  (in  Amsterdam). 

Among  the  members  of  one  of  these  five  churches  was 
one  H.  H.,  who,  on  May  10,  1622,  stated  in  an  elaborate 
missive  his  objections  against  infant  baptism.  Indeed,  two 
years  earlier,  1624,  Dod  and  Cleaver  had  thought  it  neces- 
sary to  write  a  defense  of  infant  baptism,  so  as  to  deter 
their  countrymen  from  secession.  In  vain  !  The  number 
of  advocates  of  adult  baptism  constantly  increased.  Even 
of  the  old  Independent  Church  of  Henry  Jacob,  formed  at 


180  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

London  in  1616,  a  great  many  approved  it  and  separated 
themselves,  under  their  teacher  John  Spilsbury,  from  the 
other  Independents,  September  12,  1633.  Others  again  an 
offset  of  Henry  Jacob's  church,  in  1640,  under  Henry 
Jessey,  followed  their  example. 

Thus  a  numerous  brotherhood,  which  held  views  entirely* 
corresponding  with  those  of  the  Mennonites  of  Holland 
would  have  arisen  in  England,  had  not,  eight  years  after, 
the  practice  of  immersion  been  successfully  propagated 
there. 

One  of  them,  Edward  Barber,  came  then  to  the  convic- 
tion that  no  baptism  but  dipping  was  valid.  He  circulated 
his  book  "A  treatise  of  baptism  or  dipping,  wherein  is 
clearly  shewed,  that  our  Lord  Christ  ordained  dipping  and 
that  sprinkling  of  children  is  not  according  to  Christ's 
institution  ;  and  also  the  invalidity  of  those  arguments,  that 
are  commonly  brought  to  justify  that  practice,"  1641. 

This  opinion  readily  entered  his  circle  in  1643.  Richard 
Blount,  one  of  their  teachers,  was  immersed  at  Rynsburg 
by  the  collegian  Jan  Batten,  and  thereupon  he  immersed 
the  members  of  his  own  church.  The  ties  of  fellowship 
with  the  Dutch  Mennonites,  who,  from  that  moment, 
they  regarded  as  unbaptised  people,  were  cut  off.  This  is 
the  origin  of  the  brotherhood  of  the  Baptists  (in  the 
Netherlands). 

To  trace  their  [The  English  exiles  in  The  Netherlands] 
further  events  is  not  within  our  present  design  ;  but  I  can- 
not close  the  history  of  their  forefathers  :  the  Mennonites, 
originating  in  Holland  from  Brownism,  without  pointing 

*  Both  the  weekly  celebration  of  the  Lord's  Supper  and  the  right  of 
the  brethren  to  administer  the  seals  soon  fell  into  disuse.  The 
opinion  of  most  of  the  Mennonites  on  the  incarnation  was  similar  to 
theirs  ;  respecting  the  bearing  of  arms  and  the  office  of  a  magistrate 
the  Mennonites  of  a  later  period  held  the  same  views.  Even  as  to 
oaths  there  was  no  other  difference  than  that  the  English  considered 
it  as  a  merelv  invocation  of  God  as  witness,  while  the  Mennonites 
took  it  for  self-cursing. 


Conclusion  181 

out  one  of  their  greatest  merits.  They,  namely,  have  been 
the  first  in  England  to  draw  a  deep  line  between  Church 
and  State,  and  consequently  sounded  complete  freedom  of 
religion. 

They  had  not  lived  in  vain  in  parts  where  the  spirit  of  the 
great  William  of  Orange,  though  not  having  triumphed, 
had  still  a  positive  influence  on  many.  They  had  not  re- 
sided in  vain  in  the  native  country  of  Dirk  Volkertsoon 
Coornhert,  the  precursor  of  Arminius.  They  had  not 
associated  in  vain  with  Mennonites,  who,  strongly  feeling 
the  difference  between  Christ's  empire  and  the  earthly 
empires,  between  Church  and  State,  pressed  the  point  that 
the  State  should  not  concern  itself  with  sects  or  heresies, 
and  that  any  measures  of  the  magistrates  to  change  a 
person's  conviction  must  be  highly  disapproved. 

As  long  as  they  were  Brownists,  they  [these  English 
exiles]  taught  the  following  (39th  preposition  of  their  Con- 
fession) : — "the  State  cannot  make  but  must  take  ecclessi- 
astical  laws;"  or  to  use  the  words  of  Barrowe,  in  his 
"  Brief  Discovery,"  page  91,  92  :— "  Policy  must  take  and 
not  give  laws  to  religion. ' '  The  same  proposition  continues  : 
"  it  is  the  duty  of  the  magistrates  to  suppress  and  root  out 
by  their  authority  all  false  ministeries,  voluntary  religions 
and  counterfeited  worship  of  God,  to  enforce  all  their  sub- 
jects, whether  ecclesiastical  or  civil,  to  do  their  duties  to 
God  and  men." 

Francis  Johnson,  though  acknowledging  that  no  man  was 
allowed  to  coerce  consciences,  says  in  his  ' '  Answer  to  Mr. 
Jacob  his  treatise,  1600,"  page  199  :— "  it  is  not  in  the  power 
of  princes  or  any  man  whatsoever  to  persuade  the  conscience 
and  make  members  of  the  church,  but  this  must  be  left  to 
God  alone,  who  only  can  do  it  (Acts  II,  47.)  Princes  may 
and  ought,  within  their  dominions,  to  aboHsh  all  false  wor- 
ship and  all  false  ministries  whatsoever,  and  to  establish  the 


182  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

true  worship  and  ministry  appointed  by  God  in  his  Word, 
commanding  and  compelling  their  subjects  to  come  unto 
and  practice  no  other  but  this," 

Henry  Jacob,  in  his  book  "An  humble  supplication  for 
tolerance  and  liberty  to  enjoy  and  observe  the  ordinances  of 
Jesus  Christ,  1609,"  page  13,  says  : — "  we  acknowledge  no 
other  power  and  authority  for  the  overseeing,  ruling  and 
censuring  of  particular  churches,  how  many  so  ever  in 
number,  in  the  case  of  their  misgovernment,  than  that 
which  is  originally  invested  in  your  Royal  Person,"  and 
page  20: — "we  do  humbly  beseech  your  majesty  not  to 
think,  that  by  our  suit  for  the  said  toleration  we  make  an 
overture  and  way  for  toleration  unto  Papists,  whose  head  is 
Antichrist,  whose  worship  is  idolatry,  whose  doctrine  is 
heresy  and  a  profession  directly  contrary  to  the  lawful  state 
and  government  of  free  countries  and  kingdoms,  as  your 
Majesty  hath  truly  and  judiciously  observed." 

John  Robinson,  too,  asserts  (Works  III,  page  277)  : — 
"  it  proves  not  that  the  magistrate  may  not  use  his  lawful 
power  lawfully  for  the  furtherance  of  Christ's  kingdom  and 
laws.  It  is  true  the  magistrates  have  no  power  against  the 
laws,  doctrines  and  religion  of  Christ,  but  for  the  same,  if 
their  power  be  of  God,  they  may  use  it  lawfully  and  against 
the  contrary." 

Yet  no  sooner  had  John  Smyth  and  Thomas  Helwys  taken 
the  decisive  step,  than  they  sang  a  different  tune. 

John  Smyth  then  declares  in  his  confession  (proposition 
IvXXXVI,  see  Appendix  H)  :  "that  the  magistrate  is 
not  by  virtue  of  his  office  to  meddle  with  religion  or  matters 
of  conscience,  to  force  and  compel  men  to  this  or  that  form 
of  religion  or  doctrine,  but  to  leave  Christian  religion  free 
to  every  man's  conscience  and  to  handle   only  civil  trans- 


Conclusion  183 

gressions,  for  Christ  only  is  the  King  and  lawgiver  of  the 
church  and  conscience"  ''^( James  IV  12). 

Then  Thomas  Helwys  wrote  to  the  king  :  "  We  bow  our- 
selves to  the  earth  before  our  lord  the  king  in  greatest 
humbleness,  beseeching  the  king  to  judge  righteous  judg- 
ment herein,  whether  there  be  so  unjust  a  thing,  and  of  so 
great  cruell  tyranny,  under  the  sunne,  as  to  force  mens 
conscience  in  their  religion  to  God,  seeing  that  if  they  err, 
they  must  pay  the  price  of  their  transgression  with  the  losse 
of  their  soules.  Oh  let  the  king  judg,  is  it  not  most  equall, 
that  men  should  chuse  their  religion  themselves,  seeing 
they  only  must  stand  themselves  before  the  judgment-seat 
of  God  to  answere  for  themselves,  when  it  shall  be  no  ex- 
cuse for  them  to  say,  wee  were  commanded  or  compelled  to 
be  of  this  religion,  by  the  King  or  by  them  that  had 
authority  from  him.  And  let  our  lord  the  king  that  is  a 
man  of  knowledg,,  yet  further  consider  that  if  the  king 
should  by  his  power  bring  his  people  to  the  truth,  and  they 
walke  in  the  truth  and  dye  in  the  profession  of  it,  in 
obedience  to  the  kings  power,  either  for  feare  or  love,  shall 
they  be  saved  ?  The  king  knowes  they  shal  not,  but  they 
that  obey  the  truth  and  love,  whome  the  love  of  God  con- 
strayneth,  their  obedience  only  shalbe  acceptable  to  God. 
I  Cor.  13.  Thus  may  our  lord  the  king  see,  that  by  his 
kingly  power  he  cannot  cause  or  make  men  bring  an 
acceptable  sacrifice  to  God,  and  will  the  king  make  men 
(whether  they  wil  or  no)  bring  an  unacceptable  sacrifice  to 
God  ?  and  shal  the  king  herein  thinke  he  doth  please  God  ? 
God  forbid  !" 


*"  This  is  the  first  known  expression  of  absolute  liberty  in  any 

confession  of  faith,"  N.  H.  Marshall "It  was,  in  short, 

from  their  dingy  little  meeting  house  [of  Helwys  and  his  followers] 
.....  that  there  flashed  out,  first  in  England,  the  absolute 
doctrine  of  Religious  Liberty,"  Prof.  Masson.  Encyclopedia  Brittan- 
nica,  article.     Baptists. — Ed. 


184  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

Such  language  king  James  had  never  heard  before.  Such 
words  had  as  yet  never  been  spoken  in  England.  Leon- 
hard  Busher  and  John  Murton,  who,  like  Thomas  Helwys 
had  come  from  Holland,  would  shortly  repeat  them  in  a 
loud  voice  and  with  conclusive  force. 

Many  of  their  principles*  may  have  perished  in  the  course 
of  centuries  ;  many  forms,  dear  to  them,  may  have  lost 
their  significance  for  us  now,— for  this  truth  alone,  pro- 
fessed by  them,  though  at  the  risk  of  imprisonment  and 
even  of  their  lives,  they  are  entitled  to  a  place  of  honor 
among  the  advocates  of  true  progress,  true  toleration,  and 
true  freedom. 


*The  essential  principle  to  the  teachings  of  Dirk  Volkertsoon 
Coornhert  (1522-1590)  scholar,  poet,  "restorer  of  the  Dutch  lan- 
guage" was  this:  "  I  hold  as  brethren  all  Gcd-fearing  people  who 
rest  on  the  foundation  of  Christ,  whether  they  be  Papists,  Monks, 
Baptists,  Reformed  or  Lutherans. — Ed. 


APPENDIX   A 

LIST  OF  MARRIAGES  OF  ENGLISH  PEOPLE  LIVING 
AT  AMSTERDAM,  TAKEN  [FROM  THE  REGISTER- 
BOOKS   OF   THAT   TOWN   FROM    1597   TO    1617. 

[The  names  of  those,  who  signed  the  deeds  under  their  own  hand, 
are  marked  in  this  list  with  an  asterisk  ;  where  this  sign  is  omitted 
either  the  bridegroom,  the  bride,  or  both,  who  could  not  write,  affixed 
a  cross,  a  monogram,  or  the  like.  In  the  latter  case  the  misspelling 
of  the  town  clerks,  who  knew  no  English  could  not  be  corrected. 
See,  for  instance,  under  No.  2  Benjamin  Roit  for  Benjamin  Wright  ; 
under  No.  8  Frederick  Jaebergh,  whose  name,  according  to  No.  9,  was 
Frederick  Yearbury,  etc.  With  one  exception  (No.  42),  I  have 
excluded  their  places  of  abode  as  being  of  less  importance  ;  most  of 
them  were  living  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Binnel-Amstel  (Inner- 
Amstel). — In  1597  no  marriage  was  recorded.] 

1598 

1.  November  7.  *  Thomas  Cockey  from  Stratford,  chief 
man-servant,  widower  of  Lysbet  Walram,  and  Anna  Clerk 
from  London,  widow  of  Christ.  Raphier. 

1599 

2.  December  11.  *  Benjamin  Wright  from  London, 
engraver,  34  years,  and  Lysbet  Martyn  from  London,  22 
years.     Witnesses  :  Joris  and  Catelyne  Martyn,  her  parents. 

1600 
3.  January  22.     *Thomas  Marston  from   Harle  (Harles- 
ford?)  near  Ipswich,  mason,  26  years  and  Haesgen  Abra- 
hams, 16  years.     Witness  her  father  Abraham  Heinricks. 

4.  April  22.  Jan  Huntley  Thomassoon,  from  Bradford, 
bombazine- weaver,  31  years,  and  Anne  Heyes  of  Chissester 
(Chichester)  21  years.  Witness  Janneken  Heyes  her 
mother  ;    his  mother  being  in  England. 

5.  April  22.  William  Hantley  from  Bradford,  bomba- 
zine-weaver, 26  years.  Witness  his  brother  Jan,  and  Marie 
Hil.  Willemsd.  from  Oppen  (Upton?),  26  years. 

6.  September   16.     Jean    Clereq    from    Marvick    (War- 


186  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

wick  ?)   widower  of  Judeth  N.   and    Lysbet  Sodwell  from 
Kent,  widow  of  Franchoys  Teyler. 

7.  September  16.  *  William  lyatham  from  Chierbory 
(Sherbourne  ?),  36  years  and  Lysbet  Janson  from  Richmond, 
38  years.  Witnesses  her  brother-in-law  and  sister  Thomas 
Bishop  and  Marie  Johnson. 

8.  December  16.  Antoiue  Fetcher  from  Zelwordt 
(Chelmsford?),  bombazine-weaver,  30  years  and  Jenneken 
Richeman  from  Hilperton  in  Wiltshire,  18  years.  Her 
witnesses :  Alexander  Carpenter  from  Wrington,  John 
Stevenson  from  Bradford,  and  Frederick  Jaebergh. 

1 60 1 

9.  March  24.  "  Frederyck  Yearbury  from  Beckington, 
tallow-chandler,  25  years  and  *  Francis  Hooms  from  London. 
20  years.     Her  mother  Anna  Witachter  witness. 

10.  April  28.  Jan  Watley  from  Westbury  in  W^iltshire, 
bombazine- weaver,  27  years.  (Witness  Antoine  Fetcher) 
and  Anneke  Thomas  from  Warminster  near  Selisbury,  25 
years. 

11.  April  28.  Jelvis  Zetwell  from  Nottinghamshire,  box- 
maker,  28  years,  and  Lysbet  Williams  from  Essex. 

12.  June  16.  *  Dirck  Barents  from  Lyndust  (Lindhurst 
near  Southampton?)  skilled  journeyman-Smith,  30  years, 
and  Saertje  Jans  from  London,  widow  of  Lucas  Claasz. 

13.  August  18.  *Moses  Johnson  from  Leicester,  bomba- 
zine weaver,  34  years,  and  Margriete  Sley  from  Ilperton  in 
W^iltshire,  22  years.     Her  witness  John  Stephenson. 

14.  September  29.  *  Joseph  Tatham  from  Lestershire 
(Leicestershire),  bombazine- weaver,  33  years  and  Juliane 
Christoffels  from  London,  widow  of  Claas  Williams. 

1602 

15.  June  29.  Hans  Hatmercer  from  Baxhire  (Berkshire) 
widower  of  Jannehe  Keels  and  Sara  Bellat  from  London 
widow  of  Artur  Billet. 

16.  July  13.     *  Richard   Benet  from  Wolstershire  (Wor- 


Appendix    A  187 

cestershire),  turner,  33  years,  and  Constance  Kauwerde  from 
Weymaut  (Weymouth,  Dorsetsh)  27  years. 

17.  December  28.  *  Christopher  Bomay  from  London, 
goldsmith,  widower  of  EHzabet  Dryerlandt  and  Janneke 
Leuft  Thomas  from  Hemstede  (Hampstead)  widow  of  Dirk 
Klerck. 

18.  December  28.  *Reys  Howell  from  Kaermargenshire 
(Caermarthensh.)  bombazine- weaver,  28  years  and  Annetje 
Heys  from  Glocestor,  widow  of  Jan  Huntley. 

1603 

19.  April  12.  *  John  Stevens  from  Wiltshire,  bombazine- 
weaver,  and  Margariete  Eylen  from  Glocestershire,  widow 
of  Benjamin  Kennel. 

20.  May  17.  *  Henry  Collgell  from  Hortstcastle,  (Horn- 
castle,  Lincolnshire),  tailor,  27  years  and  Sytgen  Jansd. 
from  Bradford,  23  years. 

21.  November  15.  *  Thomas  Willasonne  from  Bever- 
korts  bombazine-weaver,  32  years  and  Jenneke  Cras  from 
Essex,  widow  of  Joris  Marissen. 

1604 

22.  February  14.  *  William  Marie  Johanssoon  from 
Wrentorn  (Wrington?),  bombazine-weaver,  21  years  and 
Lysbet  Jans  from  Stratwerd  (Stratford)  21  years.  Witness 
her  father,  Jan  Trout. 

23.  February  21.  Edward  Williams  from  Barington 
(Barrington),  wood-sawyer,  23  years  and  Delke  Johndochter 
from  Stradtfordt  (Stratford)  23  years.  Witness  her  father  : 
Jan  Trout. 

24.  April  10.  *  Thomas  White  from  Sechtenfort  (?)  26 
years  and  *Rose  Grempre  from  London,  widow  of  John 
Philips. 

25.  July  3.  Dirck  Witt  from  Brust  (Brigg,  Lincoln- 
shire?),  sailor,  28  years  and  Tryn  Claesdochter,  24  years. 

26.  August  7.  *Jean  de  I'Ecluse  from  Rouen,  France, 
printer,  widower  of  Catherine  de  I'Epine,  and  Els  Luys 
from  Somersetshire,  widow  of  Thomas  Dickers. 


188  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

27.  August  14.  *  Thomas  Porter  from  London,  tallow- 
chandler,  33  years,  and  Caterina  Grieubergh  from  Loudon, 
25  years.     Witness  her  sister  Rosa  Grienberch  (Greenbury  ?) 

28.  September  4.  *  William  Hawkins  from  Wiltshire, 
hodman,  26  years  and  Anna  Elinat  from  Wiltshire,  30 
years. 

29.  September  15.  Johan  Klerck  from  Newton,  Cam- 
bridgeshire, cobbler,  widower  of  Isabel  Serwell  and  Urzele 
Drienwery  from  Kenninghall,  Norfolk,  widow  of  Jan  Deyns, 

30.  November  20.  Edward  Hymes  from  Hadtfeld  (Hat- 
field), bombazine-weaver,  27  years  and  *Adgtje  Paulusd. 
from  Geuns  (Nieuwstad-Godens)  in  Enderland,  23  years. 

1605 

31.  January  15.  *  William  Richardsonne  from  London 
bombazine-weaver,  23  years  and  *Francies  Home  Jansd. 
from  London  widow  of  Frederik  Jarbnick  (compare  No.  9). 

32.  May  7.  Jan  Thomas  from  London,  mason,  24  years 
and  Adaltje  Spyker  from  Jarmuyen  (Yarmouth)  widow  of 
Jan  Bockel. 

33-  July  16.  *  Thomas  Adams  from  Hemshire  (Hamp- 
shire), glover,  widower  of  Margriete  Optams,  and  Lysbet 
Joisd.  from  Delberry  (Dylesbury,  Bucks?)  33  years. 

34.  October  22.  Jan  Haecgens  from  Chipnom  (Chippen- 
ham) bombazine-weaver,  26  years  and  Mary  Tomas  from 
Vroom  (Frome,  Somersetshire). 

1606 

35.  January  14.  Robert  Jelisson  from  London  and  Mag- 
dalene Jans  from  Ypswich  (Ipswich). 

36.  January  28.  Richard  Ardivey  from ,  bombazine- 
weaver,    33    years  and    Judith   Jans   from  widow   of 

Wilhem  Holder. 

37.  April  15.  Thomas  Michiels  from  Cambridge,  turner, 
widower  of  Marie  Komdie,  and  Margriete  Williams  from 
Leyster  (Leicester)  widow  of  Christoffel  Wichiu. 

38.  Augustus  19.     *  David  Breston  from  London,  widower 


Appendix    A  189 

of  Margriete  Welssiug,   and  Jenne  Smyth    from    London, 
widow  of  Richard  Watz. 

39.  September  5.  *  Johannes  Simons  from  Baster  (?), 
school-master,  widower  of  Deuner  Smeers,  and  Annetje 
Lyfela  from  Sissester  (Chichester)  widow  of  Jois  Caligaert. 

40.  November  11.  *Rogier  Payne  from  London,  bom- 
bazine-frizzier, 28  years  and  Aelken  Wilkens  from  London, 
William  Herred. 

41.  December  16.  Thomas  Gillis  from  Hompton  (Hamp- 
ton?), cutler,  widower  of  Janneke  Williams,  and  Anna 
Aemsdochter  from  Chechestchester  (Chichester)  widow  of 
Richard  Paris. 

1607 

42.  March  29.  *Henricus  Ainsworth  from  Swanton, 
teacher,  36  years,  living  on  the  Singel  near  the  Heipoort 
(gate)  and  *  Margery  Halie  from  Ipswich,  widow  of  Richard 
Appelbey. 

43.  June  2.  *Johu  Osborne  from  Worcestershire,  23 
years,  casemaker,  and  Francis  Cotten  from  Berchshire 
(Berkshire)  19  years. 

44.  June  30.  *  William  Williams  from  Bedfordshire, 
bombazine- weaver,  and  Deliane  Christoffers  from  London, 
widow  of  Joseph  Taekom. 

45.  July  28.  Edward  Scheys  from  Suffolkshire,  tailor, 
25  years  and  Anna  Trevirayd  from  Berkshire,  29  years. 

46.  September  i.  *  Thomas  Consadine  from  London, 
embroiderer,  widower  of  Mary  Heys  and  Timothea  Frekel- 
thon  from  Standley  (vStanley),  35  years. 

47.  September  i.  *  Edmund  Webb  from  Berkshire,  bom- 
bazine-weaver, 21  years,  and  Alyt  Goodfellow  from  North- 
ampton. 

48.  December  15.  *John  Dericks  from  Nortwitz  (Nor- 
wich), bombazine-weaver,  25  years,  and  Aelken  Martins 
from  Breyd  (?)  in  Bartshire  (Berkshire),  22  years, 

49.  December  15.     *  Thomas   Norwayer  from    Chipnem 


190  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

(Chippenham),  bombazine- weaver,  26  j-ears,  and  Janneke 
Koolsson  from  Wysbyt  Wisbeach,  (Cambridgeshire)  24 
years. 

1608 

50.  January  12.  *Jean  Beauchampe  from  Northampton- 
shire, 40  years,  and  Susanna  Sanders  from  Warxhire  (War- 
wickshire) 20  years. 

51.  January  20.  *  Hendrik  Hendrickszoon  from  Stilten 
(Stilton,  Huntingdon),  draper,  27  years,  and  *Martgen 
Hendrickx  from  here  (Amsterdam),  22  years. 

52.  July  5.  *  Henry  CuUandt  from  Nottinghamshire, 
bombazine-weaver,  20  years  (producing  a  deed  under  the 
hand  of  Richard  Clyfton,  pastor  at  Sutton,  informing  that 
the  bans  of  his  marriage  had  been  given  there),  and  Mar- 
garete  Grymsdiche  from  Sutton  (Long-Sutton  Lincoln- 
shire ?),  30  years. 

53.  August  23.  *John  Murtou  from  Gueynsborch 
(Gainsborough),  furrier,  25  years,  and  *Jane  Hodgkin 
from  Worchep  (Worksop),  23  years. 

54.  August  30.  Francis  Pigett  from  Axen  (Hexham?), 
hodman,  32  years,  and  Margriet  Struts  from  Bafford  (Bed- 
ford), 30  years. 

55.  October  4.  *  Jacobus  Hurste  from  Rekfort  (Retford), 
bombazine-weaver,  26  years,  and  Geertrud  Bennister  from 
Rekford  (Retford),  23  years. 

56.  November  29.  Robert  Newman  from  Syts  (?),  bom- 
bazine-frizzier, 28  years  at  Middleburg,  and  Dorothea 
Berrit  from  Derby,  22  years. 

57.  December  6.  *  Cuthbert  Hutton  from  Daelten  (Dal- 
ton,  Lancastersire),  pewterer,  27  years  and  Prudence  Blass 
from  Berford  (Bradford)  21  years. 

58.  December  ic).  Jan  Willems  from  Redtford  (Retford), 
bombazine-weaver,  24  years,  and  Marserye  Dael  from 
Laundt  (Louth  ?)  32  years. 


Appendix  A  191 

1609 

59.  April  II.  William  Jepson  from  Worship  (Worksop), 
in  Notinhamshire,  carpenter,  26  years,  and  Rosemund 
Korsfeld,  also  from  Worship,  23  years. 

60.  April  II.  Robert  Dampert  from  Stafford,  hawker, 
widower  of  Stynke  Gerrits,  and  Lyntje  Claesdochter,  25 
years. 

61.  April  14.  *Joan  de  I'Ecluse  from  Rouen,  printer, 
widower  of  Els  Dikkers,  and  Jacomyne  May  from  Wisbus 
(Wisbeach)  in  Cambridgeshire,  30  years.  Her  brother 
Willem  Hoyt  witness. 

62.  August  15.  *  Anthony  Traford  from  London,  hatter, 
24  years,  and  Lysbet  Jonas  from  Taenbourch  (Tonbury, 
W^orchestershire  ?)  23  years. 

63.  September  19.  *  Thomas  Cox  from  Chichester, 
tailor,  31  years,  and  Margaret  Pickerings,  28  years. 

64.  November  29.  Raaf  Hamelyn  from  Fordimbrugh 
(Fordingbridge,  Hants)  tailor,  24  years,  and  Anna  Luyt. 
His  witnesses  are  his  brother  Hendrick  and  mother  Judith 
Socin. 

1610 

65.  February  6.  *  Christopher  Laund  from  Norfolk, 
buttonmaker,  30  years,  and  *vSusanna  Goldt  from  Westcon- 
trey  (the  West  Country?)  widow  of  Robert  Alef. 

66.  August  2.  *  Walter  Smith  from  Berry  (Bury,  Lan- 
castershire  ?)  tobacco-pipemaker,  30  years,  and  *Anne 
Colmau  from  Woesterp  ( Wooltsthorp,  Lincolnshire)  29 
3'ears. 

67.  August  14.  William  Cok  from  Loxael  (?)  bomba- 
zine-weaver, widower  of  Magdalena  Kanwel  and  Aelken 
Braedje  from  Welles  (Wells)  in  Somersetshire,  widow  of 
Jan  Braedsie. 

68.  September  4.  Jan  Brun  from  Briston  (Bristol), 
glover,  30  years,  and  Susanne  Muessinck  from  Wrinston 
(Wrington  ?)  Somersetshire,  21  5'ears. 


192  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

69.  October  23.  *  Matthew  Auckland  from  Brechtwyl 
(Blackwell,  Worchestershire  ?)  glover,  24  years,  and 
Elisabet  Pygadt  from  Axen  (Hexham  ?),  19  years. 

70.  December  11.  *  Richard  Bennet  from  Worchester- 
shire, ivory-turner,  widower  of  Constance  Couward,  and 
Mary  Jens  from  London,  22  years.  Witness  her  step- father 
Roger  Waterer. 

1611 

71.  January  20.  *  William  Penroes  from  Devonshire, 
bombazine-weaver,  27  years,  and  Anne  Sharp  from  Bed- 
fordshire, 27  years.     Witness  her  overseer  (?)  Jan  Withorff. 

72.  February  12.  *  Edward  Armfielde  from  Eppestown, 
damast- weaver,  26  years,  and  Margery  Orghan  from  Kassel- 
wey  (?)  33  years. 

73.  February  12.  *Josewy  Cobart  from  Wiltshire,  bom- 
bazine-weaver, widower  of  Janneke  Jans,  and  Lysbet 
Heynrictd  from  Sommershire  (Somersetshire)  20  years. 

74.  April  23.  Jan  Cot  from  Ugenthon  in  Bashire  (Over- 
ton, Berkshire)  cutler,  23  yeers  and  *  Mary  Perkins  from 
London,  20  years.     Witness  her  father  Thomas  Perkins. 

75.  May  14.  *  Samuel  Whitaker  from  Somersetshire, 
bombazine-weaver,  23  years,  and  *  Deliverance  Penry  from 
Hamptonshire,  21  years. 

76.  June  II.  *  William  Jansen  from  Tanton  (Taunton, 
Somersetshire)  bombazine-weaver  and  Anne  Jans  from 
Brouton  (Broughton)  23  years. 

77.  September  15.  *  Richard  Mortlocke  from  Herrits 
(Harwich)  in  Essexshire,  widower  of  Lysbet  Mortlocke, 
and  Janneke  Willems  from  Iverstone  (Ingarestone)  in 
Essex,  widow  of  Thomas  Thaemson. 

78.  November  5.  *  Charles  Thicels  from  Saltzbury 
(Salisbury)  28  years,  and  Maria  Hutton  from  Dubbes- 
bridge  (?)  27  years. 

79.  November  19.  Edward  Pekzeal  from  Wordinghegen 
(Worthing,   Sussex?),   tailor,  47    years,   and    Justina  Kox 


Appendix  A  193 

from  Sissethel  (?).      The  banns   were    forbidden    and    the 
marriage  was  not  carried  through. 

So.  December  3.  Richard  Galy  from  Bedfordshire, 
mason,  40  years,  and  Jenne  Svvaen  from  Loudon,  widow  of 
Lowys  Jenkins. 

81.  December  17.  Thomas  Brown  from  Sussex,  bomba- 
zine-printer, 26  years,  and  Jannelje  Lodewyks,  widow  of 
Bartolomeus  Adriaens  from  Alkmaar. 

1612 

82.  April  7.  Robert  Jaques  from  Wylshire  (Wiltshire), 
bombazine-weaver,  26  years,  and  Saartje  Parys  from 
London,  17  years. 

83.  April  14.  *  Abraham  Pratt  from  London,  barber  on 
board  a  ship,  32  years,  and  *Jane  Charter  from  Saltzbury 
(Salisbury)  34  years.     Witness  her  cousin  Edward  Pexael. 

84.  April  4.  *Eduard  Amlin  from  Saltzbury  (Salis- 
bury), bombazine- weaver,  25  years,  and  Lysbeth  Smyth 
from  Cambridge,  21  years. 

85.  June  I.  *  Oliver  Smyth  from  Southampton,  tailor, 
22  years,  and  "Barber  Stubbard  from  Southampton,  21 
years. 

86.  July  14.  *  Salomon  Thomson  from  Lauwe  (Louth, 
Lincolnshire?)  bombazine- weaver,  21  years,  and  Dorothea 
Struth  from  Axem  (Hexham  ?)  34  years.  Witnesses  his 
father  Antoni  Thoms  and  her  cousin  Francis  Pygott. 

87.  August  18.  Hendrik  Everts  from  Stokholm,  33 
years,  and  Susanna  Ingles  from  London,  widow  of  Robert 
Aegem. 

88.  September  22.  Thomas  Salzbery  from  London,  box- 
maker,  widower  of  Aelken  Andries,  and  Elisabet  Sharp 
from  Nottinghamshire,  25  years.  Her  witnesses  are 
Francis,  Joseph  and  Richard  Bennett. 

89.  November  to.  Parthey  Silman  from  Alewicke 
(Alnavick)  in  Nothumber,  bombazine- weaver,  26  years, 
and  Elsebet  Glind  from  Gilbe  (?)  in  Leicestershire,  26 
years. 


194  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

1613 

90.  February  2.  ^Timotheus  Elkes  from  London, 
physician,  34  years,  and   Margerieta  Eerdewyns,  24  years. 

91.  February  16.  *  Jonathan  Jans  Hart  from  Haetfield 
(Hatfield)  bombazine- weaver,  23  years,  and  Celiken  Jelisd 
from  Brakkelee  (Brackley,  Buckinghamshire),  22  years. 
Witnesses  his  parents  Jan  Hart  and  Trynke  Joosten,  and 
her  father  Thomas. 

92.  April  23.  -Thomas  Yellison  from  Strackford 
(Stratford),  buttonmaker,  widower  of  Tanneke  Jelis,  and 
Anneke  Ansen  from  Cirnter  (Cirencester),  widow  of  Willem 
Salsbury. 

93.  June  29.  *  William  Masit  from  Possit  (Portsea), 
bombazine-weaver,  widower  of  Lysbet  Willems,  and  Doro- 
thea Thomas  from  Thorburg  (Thornbury,  Glocester),  19 
years.     Her  witness  is  her  father  Thomas  Perkyns. 

94.  July  6.  *Timothy  Moyse  from  Penchaster  (?)  in 
Kentshire,  26  years,  and  Lyzbet  Meryweder  from  Ingelbey 
(Ingoldwells  ?)  in  Lincolnshire,  23  years. 

95-  July  6.  *  Richard  Mortlake  from  Herwitz  (Har- 
wich), blacksmith,  widower  of  Jannetje  Tangin,  and  Elske 
Tillet  from  Niewbery  (Newbury,  Berkshire)  widow  of 
William  Dardin. 

96.  July  6.  "Giles  Silvester  from  Adamchartle  (?)  29 
years,  and  *  Marie  Arnould  from  Laystad  (Leicester  ?),  19 
years.     Witnesses  her  parents  Antonie  and  Elsken  Arnould. 

97.  July  13.  ■•'  Rainold  Hartt  from  Abbotsbury  (Dorset- 
shire), 35  years  and  Magiory  Willobey  from  Fovey 
(Fowey,  Cornwall  ?)  25  years. 

98.  July  13.  Eduard  Philip  from  Bedfordshire,  bomba- 
zine-weaver, 35  years,  and  Anna  Hutton  from  Boolem  (?) 
24  years. 

99.  August  31.  Willem  Johns  from  Beynessen(Bowness?) 
bombazine-weaver,  widower  of  Yde  Milles,  and  Anna 
Sanders  from  Saltsburgh  (Salisbury),  widow  of  Simon 
Willes. 


Appendix  A  195 

loo.  September  7.  *  Richard  Plater  from  Bockiugham, 
compositor,  24  years,  and  Janneke  Hodr}'  from  Nottingham- 
shire, 28  years. 

loi.  November  9.  *  William  Bradford  from  Ostervelde 
(Austerfield)  fustian- worker,  23  years,  "  living  at  Leyden, 
where  he  was  required  to  have  published  the  banns,  de- 
clared to  have  no  parents,"  and  Dorothea  May,  16  years, 
from  Witsbuts  (Wisbeach).     Her  witness  is  Henry  Mayr. 

1614 

102.  March  22.  Dirk  Mancell  from  Leicestershire,  bom- 
bazine weaver,  widower  of  Lysbet  Bakker,  and  Anna  Lytte 
from  Wiltshire,  widow  of  Ralf  Amlin  (See  No.   64). 

103.  April  19.  Thomas  Giles  from  Somersetshire,  black- 
smith, widower  of  Anna  Paris,  and  Lysbet  Naris  from 
Hampshire,  divorced  from  Steven  Bradly  (see  No.  41). 

104.  June  7.  *  Daniel  Studley  from  London,  widower  of 
Janneke  Auterits,  and  Ursule  Trieuwery  from  Norwits 
(Norwich),  widow  of  Jan  de  Klercg,  see  No.  29. 

1615 

105.  February  14.  *  Henry  Reckode  from  vSandwitz 
(Sandwich)  comber,  34  years,  and  Sara  Jans  from  London, 
24  years.     Witness  her  father  Jan  Hazel. 

106.  April  18.  Thomas  Syarth  from  Berington  (Bar- 
rington)  bombazine-weaver,  27  years,  and  Machteld  Rob- 
berts,  18  years.  Witness  her  mother  Ariaentje  Jan 
Christoffels. 

107.  May  2.  *Swithunus  Grindall  from  Tunstal  in 
Yorkshire,  ligature-maker,  22  years,  and  Margriete  Moritz 
from  Scheckbye  (Saxby)  in  Nottinghamshire,  24  years. 

108.  June  6.  *Hendrick  Mot  from  London,  cane-chair 
maker,  28  years,  and  Sara  Peyn,  19  years.  Witnesses  her 
parents  Jan  Peyn  and  Immeken. 

109.  *  Mathew  Auckland  from  Bredwelle  (Blackwell?) 
glover,  widower  of  Lysbet  Pyketh,  and  *Geertje  Arens- 
dochter  from  Bunschoteu,  28  years.     See  No.  69. 


196  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

no.  August  29.  William  Waldern  from  Klokfort  (Gos- 
port,  Hants  ?)  and  Ruth  Walker  from  Marguet  overton 
(Overton)  in  Rottland  (Ruthland),  20  years.  Witness  her 
father  Eduard  Walker. 

111.  November  9.  Alexander  Hodgdin  from  Warssop 
(Worksop)  damask- weaver,  25  years,  and  Ursele  Harstaff 
from  Gende  (?)  widow  of  Thomas  Bywater. 

1616 

112.  July  23.  *  Pieter  Aiken  from  Meltenmook  (Melton 
Mowbray  Leicester?)  blade-smith,  24  years,  and  *  Marytje 
Alberts,  28  years. 

113.  October  13.  Jan  Robberts  from  Nottinghamshire, 
painter,  25  years,  and  *  Maritje  Thomas  from  London,  17 
years.     Witness  her  mother  Maritje  Jans. 

114.  October  27.  *  William  Davids  from  Derbyshire, 
embroiderer,  29  j^ears,  and  Beliken  Harmans  from 
Hillegeloo,  24  years, 

115.  November  12.  *Jan  de  I'Ecluse  from  Rouen, 
school-master,  widower  of  Jacomyne  May,  and  Anne  Harris 
from  Hamberoo  (Handborough)  in  Oxfordshire,  27  years. 
See  Nos.  26  and  61. 

116.  November  12.  *  Claes  Jonge,  from  London,  cooper, 
30  years,  and  Machtelt  Pieters  from  Amersfoort,  27  years. 

117.  November  12.  *  Thomas  Sanford  from  London, 
silk-ribbon-weaver,  32  years,  orphan  and  Martje  Willems, 
19  years.  Witnesses  her  parents  Willem  Jans  Clerck  and 
Magdalena  Willems. 

1617 

118.  January  14.  *  Charles  Shirkley  from  Salzbery  (Salis- 
bury, widower  of  Merial  Huttend,  and  Anna  Thomas  from 
Ipswich,  22  years. 


APPENDIX  B 

THE  DIFFERENCES  OF  THE  CHURCHES  OF  THE  SEPERA- 

TION  CONTAYNING  A  DESCRIPTION  of  The  LEITOURGIE 

AND  MINISTERIE  OF  the  VISIBLE  CHURCH  ANNEXED 

AS  A  CORRECTION  and  SUPPLEMENT  to  a  LITTLE 

TREATISE     LATELY     PUBLISHED     BEARING 

TITLE,     PRINCIPLES    and    INFERENCES, 

CONCERNING  The  VISIBLE  CHURCH 

PUBLISHED 

1.  Fertile  satisfaction  of  every  true  lover  of  the  truth 
especially  the  Brethernof  the  Seperation  that  aredoubtfull. 

2.  As  also  removing  of  an  unjust  calumnie  cast  uppon 
the  Brethren  of  the  Seperation  of  the  second  English  Church 
at  Amsterdam. 

3.  Finally  for  the  clearing  of  the  truth  ;  and  the  dis- 
covering of  the  mysterie  of  iniquitie  yet  further  in  the 
worship  and  offices  of  the  Church. 

Divided  Into  Two  Parts 

1.  Concerning  the  Leitourgie  of  the  Church, 

2.  Concerning  the  ministerie  of  the  Church  which  hath 
two  sections.  One  of  the  Eldership  :  Another  of  the 
Deacons  office,  whereto  apertaineth  the  Treasury 

By  John  Smyth 
Search  the  Scriptures  :  John  5,  39.     Try  all  things,  keep 
the  good  thing,    I  Thes.  5,  21     Beloved  :  Believe  not  every 
spirit.      I    John    4,     11     The  Spirits   of    the   Prophets    are 
subordinate  to  the  Prophets  i  Cor.  14,  32. 

1608 

TO  EVERY  TRUE  LOVER  OF  THE  TRUTH 
ESPECIALLY  TO  THE  BRETHERN  OF  THE 
OF  THE  SEPERATION,  SALUTATIONS  : 

Not  long  since  I  published  a  little  methode  intituled 
principles  and  inferences  concerning  the  visible  church, 
Wherein  chiefly   I   purposed   to  manifest   the  true  consti- 


198  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

tution  of  the  church,  a  matter  of  absolute  necessities 
and  now  so  cleared  by  the  writings  of  the  late  witnesses  of 
Jesus  Christ  the  auncient  brethren  of  the  seperation  as  that 
it  seemeth  nothing  can  further  be  added.  The  absolute 
necessitie  of  the  true  constitution  appeareth,  because  if  the 
church  be  truly  constituted  and  framed  ther  is  a  true 
church  :  the  true  sporose  of  Christ  :  if  the  church  be  falsely 
constituted,  ther  is  a  false  church  and  she  is  not  the  true 
sporose  of  Christ.  Herein  therfor  especially  are  those 
auncient  brethren  to  be  honoured,  that  they  have  reduced 
the  church  to  the  true  Primitive  and  Apostoligue  Constitu- 
tion which  consisteth  in  these  three  things,  i.  The  true 
matter  which  are  sayntes  only.  2.  The  true  forme  which 
is  the  uniting  of  them  together  in  the  covenant.  3.  The 
true  propertie  which  is  communion  in  all  the  holy  things 
and  the  power  of  the  I^.  Jesus  Christ,  for  the  mayntayning 
of  that  communion.  To  this  blessed  work  of  the  ly. 
wherein  those  auncient  brethren  have  labored  I  know  not 
what  may  be  more  be  added.  I  thincke  rather  ther  can 
nothing  be  added  :  but  now  Antichrist  is  perfectly  both 
discovered  and  consumed  in  respect  of  the  constitution  by 
the  evidence  of  the  truth,  which  is  the  brightness  of 
Christ's  comming.  Now  although  they  have  also  verie 
worthelie  employed  themselves  in  the  leitourgie,  ministerie 
and  Treasurie  of  the  Church,  both  in  discovering  the 
forgeries  and  corruptions  which  the  man  of  synne  had 
intermingled  and  also  in  some  good  degree  reducing  them 
to  ther  primitive  puritie,  wherein  they  weere  by  the  Apostles 
left  unto  the  churches.  Yet  wee  are  persuaded  that  herein 
Antichrist  is  not  utterly  eyther  revealed  or  abolished,  but 
that  in  a  verie  high  degree  he  is  exalted  even  in  the  true 
constituted  churches  :  In  regard,  whereof,  as  also  being 
enforced  upon  some  occasion  well  knowne  wee  thought  it 
necessary  to  publish  this  description  of  the  Leitourgie  and 
ministerie  of  the  church.     The  ministerie  I  say  consisting 


Appendix  B  199 

of  the  Presbytery  and  Deacons  office,  whereto  apertyneth 
the  Treasiiree  and  that  for  these  ends  :  partly  that  the 
truth  wee  walk  in  may  be  manifested  to  the  world,  among 
whome  our  opinion  and  practice  is  so  straungely  and  falsely 
traduced  :  partly  that  the  differences  betwixt  us  and  the 
auncienter  brethren  of  the  Seperation  may  appeare,  and 
thereby  men  may  be  occasioned  to  trye  the  truth  from  error 
and  to  hold  it  fast.  And  although  in  this  writing  somthing 
ther  is  which  overtwharteth  my  former  judgment  in  some 
treatises  by  mee  formerly  published  :  Yet  I  would  iutreat 
the  reader  not  to  impute  that  as  a  fault  unto  mee  :  rather 
it  should  be  accounted  a  vertue  to  retract  errors.  Know 
therfor  that  latter  thoughs  oft  times  are  better  than  the 
former  :  and  I  do  professe  this  (that  no  man  account  it 
strannge)  that  I  will  every  day  as  my  erroes  shalbe  dis- 
covered confesse  them  and  renounce  them  :  For  it  is  our 
covenant  made  with  our  God  to  forsake  every  evil  way 
whither  in  opinion  or  practise  that  shalbe  manifested  unto 
us  at  any  time  ;  and  therfor  lett  no  plead  now,  as  some 
have  formerly  done,  these  men  are  inconstant  :  they  would 
have  they  know  not  what  :  They  will  never  be  satisfied  and 
the  like.  For  wee  professe  even  so  much  as  they  object  : 
That  we  are  inconstant  in  erroer  :  that  wee  would  have  the 
truth,  though  in  many  particulars  wee  are  ignorant  of  it  : 
Wee  will  never  be  satisfied  in  endevoring  to  reduce  the 
worship  and  ministery  of  the  church,  to  the  primitive 
apostolique  institution  from  which  as  yet  it  is  so  farr  dis- 
tant :  Wherfor  my  earnest  desire  is,  that  my  last  writing 
may  be  taken  as  my  present  judgment  and  so  farre  forth  as 
it  is  overthwarteth  any  former  writing  of  myne  let  it  be 
accounted  a  voluntary  retractation  and  unfeyned  repentance 
of  my  former  errors  and  evil  wayes  before  the  whole  earth. 
And  lett  no  man  bee  offended  at  us  for  that  wee  differ  from 
the  auncient  brethern  of  the  seperation  in  the  leitourgie, 
Presbyterie  and  Treasurie  of  the  church  ;    for  we  hold  not 


200  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

our  fayth  at  any  mans  pleasure  or  in  respect  of  persons, 
neyther  doe  wee  bynd  ourselves  to  walk  according  to  other 
mens  lynes  further  than  they  walk  in  the  truth  ;  neyther 
lett  the  world  think  that  wee  approve  them  in  all  their 
practises:  let  them  justifie  their  proceedings  or  repet  of 
them,  wee  have  (wee  willingly  and  thankfully  acknowledge) 
receaved  much  light  of  truth  from  their  writings  for  which 
mercy  we  alwayes  blesse  our  God  :  and  for  which  help  wee 
always  shall  honour  them  in  the  Lord  and  in  the  truth. 
But  as  Paull  withstood  Peter  to  his  face  and  separated  from 
Barnasbas  that  good  man  that  was  full  of  the  holy  ghost 
and  of  faith,  for  just  causes  :  So  must  they  give  us  leave  to 
love  the  truth  and  honour  the  Lord  more  than  any  man  or 
church  uppon  earth.  Now  if  any  of  the  adversaries  of  us 
both  shall  hierby  take  occasion  of  offense,  thereby  to  speake 
will,  or  to  withhold  or  revolt  from  the  truth  :  let  these  men 
consider  with  themselves  ;  First :  that  they  even  in  that 
theyr  Aegyptian  darknesse  wherein  they  walk  have  their 
most  violent  oppositions  and  deadly  contentions  :  Agayne, 
the  Apostle  hath  foretold  that  it  is  necessary  their  should 
bee  dissentions  even  in  the  true  churches  that  they  which 
are  approved  may  bee  knowne  :  besides  the  truth  shall  by 
our  differences  bee  further  cheered  and  theyr  Antichristian 
worship  and  ministery  more  and  more  detected  and  cast  into 
the  bottomlesse  pitt  from  whence  it  issued.  Finally  the 
Apostle  saith  that  Christ  is  a  stone  to  thumble  and  a  rock 
of  offence  to  the  disobedient  as  well  as  a  chief  corner  stone 
elect  and  pretious  to  them  that  believe  :  and  blessed  are 
they  that  are  not  offended  at  Christ  or  his  truth.  So 
desyring  the  reader  to  weygh  well  what  I  plead  and  not  to 
bee  offended  at  the  manifold  quotations  which  are  of 
necessity  that  by  places  compared  together  the  truth  which 
is  a  mystery  may  appeare  and  antichristianisme  which  is 
the  mystery  of  iniquity  may  be  discovered.  I  cease,  com- 
mending him  to  the  grace  of  God  in  Jesus  Christ,   who  in 


Appendix  B  201 

due  tyme  will  bring  his  people  out  of  Aegypt  and  Babylon 
spiritually  so  called,  though  for  a  season  they  are  there  kept 
in  Antichristian  captivity  and  greevous  spirituall  slaverny  : 
which  the  Lord  in  his  due  tyme  effect,  Amen,  Amen. 

John  Smyth 
The  principall  contents  of  this  treatise  or  our  differences 
from  the  auncyent  brethren  of  the  seperation. 

1.  We  hould  that  the  worship  of  the  new  testament 
properly  socalled  is  spirituall  proceeding  originally  from  the 
hart :  and  that  reading  out  of  a  booke  (though  a  lawfuU 
eclesiastical  action)  is  no  part  of  spirituall  worship,  but 
rather  the  invention  of  the  man  of  synne  it  being  substi- 
tuted for  a  part  of  spirituall  worship. 

2.  We  hould  that  seeing  prophesiing  is  a  parte  of  spirit- 
ual worship  :  therefore  in  time  of  prophesiing  it  is  unlaw- 
full  to  have  the  booke  as  a  helpe  before  the  eye. 

3.  We  hould  that  seeing  singing  a  psalme  is  a  parte  of 
spirituall  worship  :  therefore  it  is  unlawfull  to  have  the 
booke  before  the  eye  in  time  of  singinge  a  psalme. 

4.  We  hould  that  the  Presbytery  of  the  Church  is  uni- 
forme  :  and  that  the  triformed  Presbyterie  consisting  of 
three  kinds  of  Elders  viz.:  Pastors,  Teachers,  Rulers  is 
none  of  Gods  ordinance  by  mans  devise. 

5.  Wee  hold  that  all  the  Elders  of  the  Church  are 
Pastors  :  and  that  lay  Elders  (so  called)  are  Antichristian. 

Wee  hold  that  in  contributing  to  the  Church  Treasurie 
their  ought  to  bee  both  a  separation  from  them  that  are 
without  and  a  sanctification  of  the  whole  action  by  Prayer 
and  Thankesgiving. 

Page  31.  Certayne  demandes,  wherto  wee  desire  direct 
and  sound  answer,  with  proof  from  the  Scriptures. 

I.  Concerning  the  kingdom  and  Priesthood  of  Christ. 
Whither  the  kingdom  and  Priesthood  of  the  Old  Testament 
were  not  distinct  and  severall,  both  in  person,  office  and 
actions. 


202  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

Whither  the  kingdom  and  Priesthood  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment were  not  distinct  and  severall,  both  in  person,  office 
and  actions. 

Whither  the  kingdom  and  Priesthood  of  the  old  Testa- 
ment were  not  typical,  shadowith  out  the  kingdom  and 
Priesthood  of  Christ  ? 

Whither  the  kingdom  and  Priesthood  of  Christ  are  not 
distinct,  both  in  office  and  action  though  united  in  one 
person  ? 

Whither  as  Christ  is  both  king  and  Priest  so  also  the 
saynts  are  not  by  Christ  annoynted  to  be  kings  and  Priests 
unto  God  ? 

Whither  the  office  and  actions  of  the  Sayntes  in  the 
kingdom  and  Priesthood  are  not  distinct  and  several,  though 
united  in  person  ? 

Whither  the  office  and  actions  of  the  kingdom  in  the  Old 
Testament  were  not  of  opposition,  difference,  plea  and 
strife  ? 

Page  32.  Whither  the  office  and  actions  of  the  kingdom 
of  the  Sayntes  in  the  new  testament  are  not  of  the  same 
nature? 

Wither  the  office  and  actions  of  the  Priesthood  of  the  Old 
Testament  were  not  of  union,  concord  and  agreemt  in  sacri- 
ficing ? 

Whither  the  office  and  action  of  the  Priesthood  of  the 
Saynts  in  the  new  Testament  be  not  of  the  same  nature  ? 
Rom.  15.6. 

2.  Concerning  the  spirit  and  spirituall :  the  Letter  and 
Literal. 

Whither  in  this  phrase  and  the  like  (viz.  The  manifesta- 
tion of  the  Spirit)  the  spirit  doth  not  signifie  principally, 
both  the  spiritual  and  regenerate  part  of  the  soule,  and  the 
spirituall  matter  in  the  regenerate  part. 

Whither  the  manifestation  of  the  Spirit  doth  import 
eyther  the  spirituall  matter  which  a  man  bringeth  out  of  a 


Appendix  B  203 

book  by  reading  :  or  the  spiritual  and  gracious  gestures  and 
motions  which  a  man  expresseth  in  reading  and  performing 
other  actions. 

Whither  quenching  the  spirit  be  not  to  withhold  and 
restrayne  the  spiritual  matter  which  by  the  spirit  of  sancti- 
fication  is  stirred  up  in  the  regenerate  part  of  the  soule. 

Whither  reading  wordes  contayned  in  a  book  doth  mani- 
fest the  spirit  that  is,  expresse  the  spirituall  matter  which 
is  in  the  regenate  part  of  him  that  readeth  or  rather  doth 
not  cleane  put  it  by,  leave  it  and  diverteth  to  another 
subject  and  so  quencheth  it  ? 

Whither  the  letter  doth  not  properly  signifie  the  literal 
and  ceremonial  ordinances  of  the  Old  Testament,  2  Cor.  3:6 
which  began  outwardly  signifying  and  conveighing  spirit- 
ual matter  into  the  regenerate  part  of  the  soule  from  with- 
out? 

Whither  reading  the  wordes  contayned  in  a  booke  be  not 
as  much  and  as  truly  literal  beginning  outwardly  and  con- 
veying matter  inwardly  as  the  sacrificing  of  a  beast  in  the 
Old  Testament. 

Whither  sacrificing  in  the  Old  Testament  may  not  as 
truly  be  accounted  the  manifestation  of  the  Spirit  as  reading  : 
seeing  sacrificing  did  expresse  the  spiritual  matter  Chr. 
Jesus,  and  was  done  with  a  grace  by  the  Priests,  even  as 
reading  doth  expresse  the  spiritual  matter  of  the  booke 
Christ  Jesus  and  is  performed  with  a  grace  by  the  reader  ? 

3.  Concerning  writing  and  reading. 

Whither  letters  or  characters  are  not  invented  by  the  witt 
of  man  to  expresse  the  articulare  sounds  of  natural  speech  : 
and  whither  the  inventors  of  letters  are  not  mentioned  in 
historyes  ? 

Whither  writing  be  not  the  invention  of  man  by  the  same 
reason  ? 

Whither  reading  be  not  the  invention  of  man  by  the 
same  reason  ? 


204  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

Whither  writing  and  reading  be  not  things  meerly  arti- 
ficial though  speaking  be  natural  ? 

Whither  writing  and  reading  being  meer  artificial  devices 
may  be  properly  called  spirituall  worship  and  whither  if 
reading  be  spiritual  worship,  worship  be  not  so  also  ? 

Whither  that  because  the  mannarie  trade  of  the  butcher 
and  cook  in  killing  rosting  boyhng  the  sacrifices,  of  the 
ingraver  in  the  stones  of  the  brestplate,  of  the  apotecary 
the  annoynting  oyle,  of  the  mason  and  carpenter  in  the 
hewing  of  stone  and  wood  and  so  sequently  of  the  scribe  or 
paynter  in  writing  and  reading,  were  literal  and  ceremonial 
eyther  worship  or  actions  in  the  Old  Testament,  they  may 
now  be  called  spirituall  worship  actions  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment and  whither  one  rather  then  another  and  why  ? 

4.  Of  the  Holy  Scriptures  and  translations. 

Whither  the  Holy  Scriptures  viz.  the  originals  Hebrew 
and  Greek  do  not  conteyne  in  the  infinite  depth  of  truth 
and  whither  the  holy  spirit  did  not  intend  by  the  to  signifie 
all  the  truths,  which  all  the  men  of  the  earth,  eyther  hereto 
fore,  now  or  hereafter  truly  collect  from  thence  ? 

Whither  the  holy  originals  do  not  conteyne  more  matter 
then  the  Prophets  and  Apostles  that  wrote  them  did 
conceave  ? 

Whither  the  Hebrew  and  Greek  tong  in  their  idiomes, 
words  and  phrases  are  not  plentifuly  more  comprehensive, 
and  significative  of  matter  the  any  other  language  what- 
soever ? 

Whither  as  the  original  Scriptures  are  the  image  of  the 
mynd  of  God  :  so  a  translation  be  not  the  image  of  the 
original  Scriptures. 

Whither  the  image  can  possibly  expresse  the  thing  thereby 
signified  fully. 

Whither  it  be  possible  for  any  language  verbatim  with- 
out paraphast  to  expresse  the  Hebrew  and  Greek  text  of 
the  holy  originals  fully  ? 


Appendix  B  205 

Whither  a  translation  made  by  the  most  learned  and  holy 
man  of  the  earth  doth  or  can  expresse  truly  and  fully  the 
holy  ghost's  meaning  in  the  originals. 

Whither  therefor  a  translation  made  by  the  most  learned 
and  holy  men  of  the  earth  be  not  an  Apocrypha  writing  of 
an  ordinary  man  ? 

Whither  if  an  Apocrypha  writing  may  be  brought  into 
the  worship  of  God  to  be  read  all  may  not :  and  whither  of 
some  apocrypha — writings  must  be  cast  out  of  the  church 
why  not  all,  yea  the  translation  also? 

5.  Of  worship,  and  rise  of  bookes  in  tyme  of  worship  in 
the  new  Testament. 

Whither  prayer,  prophesying  and  Singing  Psalms  be  the 
true  as  only  parts  of  the  worship  of  the  new  Testament? 

Whither  reading  be  eyther  prayer,  prophesy  or  a  Psalrae  ? 

Whither  reading  be  lawfull  in  tyme  of  prayer,  prophesy 
and  singing  Psalmes? 

W^hither  reading  doth  not  put  matter  into  the  hart  of  him 
that  readeth  and  worship  be  not  the  producing  of  matter 
out  of  the  hart  of  him  that  worshippeth  ? 

Whither  the  Apostles  and  primitive  Churches  did  ever 
pray,  prophesy  and  sing  psalmes  out  of  bookes,  after  the 
day  of  Penticost.     Act.  2.      ? 

Whither  they  did  not  pray,  prophesy  and  sing  Psalms  as 
the  holy  ghost  gave  them  utterance? 

Whither  the  place  i  Cor.  14:26  doth  not  teach  that  a 
man  must  have  a  Psalme  have  doctryne,  that  is  in  his  hart, 
whence  he  must  produce  it  by  the  manifestation  of  the 
spirit  ? 

Whither  if  a  book  must  be  lain  aside  in  prayer,  it  must 
not  be  so  also  in  prophesy  and  singing  Psalms  and  why  ? 

Whither  if  a  book  be  retayned  in  prophesy  and  a  psalme, 
it  may  not  be  so  also  in  prayer  and  why  ? 

Whither  ther  be  two  kindes  of  prayer,  prophesy  and 
Psalmes,  one  with  books,  another  without  books  or  one  sort 


206  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

of  prayer  without  bookes  :  and  two  sorts  of  prophesying 
and  Psahnes  ;  with  or  without  bookes  and  why :  and 
whither  this  can  be  warranted  by  the  apostles  doctryne  and 
practice  ? 

6.  Concerning  a  Psahn. 

Whither  as  in  prayer  and  prophesy  one  alone  speaketh, 
and  the  rest  pray  and  prophesy  by  consent  i  Cor.  1 1 14  so 
in  a  Psalme  one  only  must  speak  and  the  rest  must  conset 
I  Cor.  14: 16. 

Whither  in  a  Psalm  a  man  must  be  tyed  to  meter  and 
Rithme,  and  time  and  whither  voluntary  be  not  as  necessary 
in  tune  and  wordes  as  in  matter. 

Whither  meter,  Rithme  and  tune  be  not  quenching  the 
spirit  ? 

Whither  a  psalme  be  only  thanksgiving  without  meter, 
Rithme  or  tune,  yea  or  nay  ? 

7.  Concerning  the  Elders  or  Presbytery. 

Whither  all  the  Elders  must  not  be  able  to  teach  and  rule 
as  the  Apostle  saith,  didacticoi  and  proistamenoi  i  Tim.  3. 

Whither  didacticos  that  is  apt  to  teach  be  not  expounded 
by  the  Apostle  Tit.  1:9  by  three  particulars  :  viz  : 

1.  to  teach  wholesome  doctrine 

2.  to  exhort :  3  to  convince  the  gainsayers 
Whither  Teaching  and   Ruling  be  not  the  two  parts  of 

feeding  ? 

Whither  feeding  that  is  teaching,  Ruling,  exhorting, 
comforting  be  not  the  pastors  office,  and  therefore  all  the 
Elders  pastors  ? 

Whither  the  Eldership  hath  not  all  their  power  from  the 
Church  ? 

Whither  the  Eldership  hath  a  negative  voyce  in  the 
Church  that  nothing  can  be  concluded  without  them  ? 

Whither  if  most  of  the  church  consent  and  the  Elders 
dissent,  the  matter  cannot  passe  against  the  Elders  dissent. 

Whither  seeing  the  Church  may  depose  and  excoramuni- 


Appendix  B  207 

cate  the  Eldership  they  may  not  passe  other  sentences  with- 
out or  contrary  to  their  Hking? 

Whither  may  not  a  man  propound  his  mater  to  the 
Church  without  acquaynting  the  Elders  with  it  in  the  first 
place. 

Whither  in  the  second  degree  of  admonition  a  man  is  not 
bound  to  take  an  Elder  for  witnesse  ? 

Whither  one  Elder  only  in  a  Church  by  Gods  ordinance 
and  whither  if  ther  be  chosen  any  Elder  ther  must  be  chosen 
more  then  one  ? 

Whither  the  scales  of  the  covenant  may  not  be  adminis- 
tred,  ther  being  yet  no  Elders  in  office? 

8.   Concerning  the  Treasury  and  contributions. 

Whither  the  treasury  be  not  holy  ? 

Whither  contribution  be  not  an  action  of  the  communion 
of  Saynts  ? 

Whither  as  in  other  parts  of  communion  so  in  this,  ther 
ought  not  to  be  a  separaiion  from  them  that  are  without  ? 

Whither  the  action  of  contribution  must  not  be  sanctified 
by  prayer  and  thanksgiving. 


APPENDIX  C 

LIST  OF  PASSENGERS  OF  THE  "MAYFLOWER" 

(Preserved  by  Governor  William  Bradford  at  the  end  of  his 
"  History  of  Plymouth  Plantation.") 


The  names  of  those  which  came  over  first,  in  ye  year 
1620,  and  were  by  the  blessing  of  God  the  first  begiuers 
and  (in  a  sort)  the  foundation  of  all  the  Plantations  and 
Colonies  in  New-England  ;  and  their  families. 


Mr.  John  Carv^er  ;  Kathrine,  his  wife  ;  Desire  Minter  ; 
and  2  mau-servants,  John  Rowland,  Roger  Wilder  ;  William 
Latham,  a  boy  ;  a  maid  servant,  and  a  child  yt  was  put  to 
him,  called  Jasper  More. 

Mr.  William  Brewster  ;  Mary,  his  wife  ;  with  2  sons, 
whose  names  were  Love  and  Wrasling  ;  and  a  boy  was  put 
to  him  called  Richard  More  ;  and  another  of  his  brothers. 
The  rest  of  his  children  were  left  behind,  and  came  over 
afterwards, 

Mr.  Edward  Winslow  ;  Elizabeth,  his  wife  ;  and  2  men- 
servants,  caled  Georg  Sowle  and  Elias  Story  ;  also  a  litle 
girle  was  put  to  him,  caled  Ellen,  the  sister  of  Richard 
More. 

William  Bradford,  and  Dorothy,  his  wife  ;  having  but 
one  child,  a  sone,  left  behind,  who  came  afterward. 

Mr.  Isaack  Allerton,  and  Mary,  his  wife  ;  with  3 
children,  Bartholmew,  Remember  and  Mary  ;  and  a  servant 
boy,  John  Hooke. 

Mr.  Samuell  Fuller, (-•')  and  a  servant,  caled  William 
Butten.  His  wife  was  behind,  and  a  child  which  came 
afterwards. 

John  Crakston  ;  and  his  sone,  John  Crakston.  Captain 
Myles  Standish,  and  Rose,  his  wife, 

(*)  Samuel  Fuller  died  before  the  arrival  at  Cape  Cod. 


Appendix  C  209 

Mr.  Christopher  Martin,  and  his  wife,  and  2  servants, 
Salomon  Prower  and  John  Langemore. 

Mr.  William  Mullines,  and  his  wife,  and  2  children, 
Joseph  and  Priscilia  ;  and  a  servant,  Robart  Carter. 

Mr.  William  White,  and  Susana,  his  wife,  and  one  son, 
caled  Resolved,  and  one  borne  a  ship-bord,  caled  Pere- 
griene(*)  ;  and  2  servants,  named  William  Holbeck  and 
Edward  Thomson. 

Mr.  Steven  Hopkins,  and  Elizabeth,  his  wife,  and  2 
children,  caled  Giles,  and  Constanta,  a  daughter,  both  by  a 
former  wife  ;  and  2  more  by  this  wife,  caled  Damaris  and 
Oceanus  C'-^)  ;  the  last  was  born  at  sea  ;  and  2  servants, 
called  Edward  Doty  and  Edward  Litster. 

Mr.  Richard  Warren  ;  but  his  wife  and  children  were 
lefte  behind,  and  came  afterwards. 

John  Billinton,  and  Elen,  his  wife  ;  and  2  sones,  John 
and  Francis. 

Edward  Tillie,  and  Ann,  his  wife  ;  and  2  children,  that 
were  their  cossens,  Henry  Samson  and  Humillity  Coper. 

John  Tillie,  and  his  wife  ;  and  Eelizabeth,  their  daughter. 

Francis  Cooke,  and  his  sone  John.  But  his  wife  and 
other  children  came  afterwards. 

Thomas  Tinker,  and  his  wife,  and  a  sone, 

John  Rigdale,  and  Alice,  his  wife, 

James  Chilton,  and  his  wife,  and  Mary,  their  dougter. 
They  had  an  other  doughter,  yt  was  married,  came  after- 
ward. 

Edward  Fuller,  and  his  wife  and  Samuell,  their  sonne. 

John  Turner,  and  2  sones.  He  had  a  doughter,  came 
some  years  after  to  Salem,  wher  she  is  now  living. 

Francis  Eaton,  and  Sarah,  his  wife,  and  Samuell,  their 
sone,  a  yqng  child. 

(*)  Born  after  their  arrival  at  Cape  Cod,  and  therefore  should  not 
be  included  in  the  number  of  passengers. 

(**)  She  is  included  in  the  list  of  passengers,  and  so  also  is  William 
Butten,  the  servant  of  Samuel  Fuller,  who  died  before  the  arrival  at 
Cape  Cod.     Only  one  of  these  should  be  enumerated. 


210  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

Moyses  Fletcher,  John  Goodman,  Thomas  Williams, 
Digerie  Preist,  Edmond  Margeson,  Peter  Browne,  Richard 
Britterige,  Richard  Clarke,  Richard  Gardenar,  Gilbart 
Wiuslow. 

John  Alden  was  hired  for  a  cooper,  at  South-Hampton, 
wher  the  ship  victuled  ;  and  being  a  hopfnll  yong  man,  was 
much  desired,  but  left  to  his  owne  liking  to  go  or  stay  when 
he  came  here  ;  but  he  stayed  and  maryed  here. 

John  Allerton  and  Thomas  Enlish  were  both  hired,  the 
later  to  goe  Mr.  of  a  shalop  here,  and  ye  other  was  reputed 
as  one  of  ye  Company,  but  was  to  go  back  (being  a  seaman) 
for  the  help  of  others  behind.  But  they  both  dyed  here, 
before  the  ship  returned. 

There  were  allso  other  2  seamen,  hired  to  stay  a  year  here 
in  the  country,  William  Trevore,  and  one  Ely.  But  when 
their  time  was  out,  they  both  returned. 

These,  bening  aboute  a  hundred  sowls  (*)  came  over  in 
this  first  ship  ;  and  began  this  worke  which  God  of  his 
goodnes  hath  hithertoo  blesed  ;  let  his  holy  name  have  ye 
praise. 


(*)This  list  adds  up  104,  bvit  Peregrinie  White  and  William  BuUeii 
or  Oceanus  Hopkins  should  be  deducted,  which  will  leave  the  true 
number  of  passengers  102,  of  whom  51  died  within  a  few  months  after 
their  arrival  at  Cape  Cod. 


APPENDIX    D 
JOHN  SMYTH'S  EARLIEST  C0NFE:SSI0N  OF  FAITH 

[Taken  from  the  copy  written  in  Latin  in  Smyth's  own  hand- 
writing, preserved  in  the  Archives  of  the  Amsterdam  Mennonite 
congregation,  2  pages  folio,  No.  1347.] 


Corde  credimus  et  ore  confitemur  : 

I 
Unum  esse  Deum,  optimum,  maximum,  gloriosissimum, 
creatorem  et  couservatorem  omnitim  :    qui  est  Pater,  Filius 

et  Spiritus  Sanctus. 

2 
Detim  Creasse  et  redemisse  genus  humanum  ad  imaginem 
suam,    omnesqtie   homines    (nenrine    reprobato)   ad    vitam 
predestinasse. 

3 
Deum  nullam  peccandi  uecessitatem  cuiquam  imponere, 
sed  hominem  libere  impulsu  Sathanae  a  Deo  deficere. 

4 

Regtilam  vitae  a  Deo  primitus  in  observatione  legis  posi- 
tam  ;  exinde  ob  infirmitatem  carnis  Dei  beneplacito  per 
Christi  redemptionem  in  justitiam  fidei  translatam  esse  quam 
ob  caussam,  neminem  Deum  juste  incusare,  verum  potius 
et  intimis  visceribus  ipsitis  misericordiam  revereri,  admirari 
et  celebrare  debere  ;  ctim  possibile  homini  reddiderit  Deus 
per  gratiam,  quod  prius  homini  lapso  impossibile  fuerit  per 
uaturam. 

5 

Nullum  esse  peccatum  originis,  verum  omne  peccatum 
esse  actuale  et  voluntarium  vid.  dictum  factum  aut  con- 
cupitum  contra  legem  Dei  :  ideogue  infantes  esse  sine 
peecato. 

6 

Jesum  Christum  esse  verum  Deum  et  verum  hominem 
vid.     Filio  Dei  assumente  et  sibi   uniente  hominis  veram  et 


212  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

puram  uaturam  ex  vera  anima    rationali    et  vero   corpore 
humans  consistentem. 

7 

Jesum  Christum,  quod  ad  carnem  attinet,  per  Spiritum 
Sanctum  in  utero  virginis  Mariae  conceptum  fuisse,  postea 
natuni,  circumcisum,  baptisatum,  tentatum  fuisse,  etiam 
ipsum  esurivisse,  sitivisse,  comedisse,  bibisse,  crevisse  turn 
statura  turn  cognitione  :  defatigatum  fuisse,  dormivisse, 
denique  crucifixum,  mortuum,  sepultum  fuisse,  resurrexisse, 
in  caelum  ascendisse,  ipsique  utpote  soli  Regi,  Pontifici  et 
prophetae  Ecclesiae  omnem  tum  in  caelo  tum  in  tersa 
potestatem  commissam  esse. 

8 

Gratiam  dei  per  Christi  redemptionem  impetratam  omnibus 
sine  discrimine  paratam  et  oblatam  fore,  idque  non  ficte  sed 
bona  fide  :  partim  per  creaturas  guae  invisibilia  dei 
declarant,  partim  per  evangelii  predicationem. 

9 
Homines  et  Dei  gratia  per  Christi  redemptionem  posse 
(Spiritu  Sancto  per  gratiam  ipsos  preveniente)  resipiscere, 
credere,  ad  Deum  convertere  et  vitam  aeternam  adipisci  : 
sicut  e  contra,  posse  ipsos  Spiritini  Sancto  resistere,  a  Deo 
difecere  et  in  eternum  perire. 

lO 

Justificationem  hominis  coram  Dei  tribunali  (qui  est  et 
justitiae  et  misericordiae  thronus)  subsistere,  partim  ex 
imputatione  justitiae  Christi  per  fidem  apprehensa,  partim 
ex  justitia  inherente  in  ipsis  Sanctis  per  operationem 
spiritus  Sancti  quae  regeneratio  sive  sanctificatio  dicitur  : 
siquidem  Justus  est  qui  facit  justitiam. 

1 1 

Fidem  bonis  operibus  vacuam,  mortuam  esse  ;  veram 
autem  et  vivam  fidem  per  bona  opera  dignosei. 

12 

Ecclesiam   Christi    esse    coetum    fidelium   post   fidei   et 


Appendix  D  213 

peecatoruni   confessiouem    baplisatorum,   potestate    Christi 
preditam. 

13 

Ecclesiam  Christi  habere  potestatem  sibi  delegatam  verbi 

aununtiandi,   sacramenta    admiuistraudi,    ministros    consti- 

tuendi   et   abdicandi,   denique    excommunicandi  ;    ultimam 

autem  provocationem  esse  ad  fratres  sive  corpus  Ecclesiae. 

14 
Baptismum  esse  externum  symbolum  remissionis  pecca- 
torum,  niortificationis  et  vivificatiouis,  ideoque  ad  infantes 
non  pertiuere. 

15 
Coeuam  Domini  esse  symbolum  externum  communionis 
Christi  et  fidelium  ad  invicem  per  fidem  et  charitatem. 

16 
Ministros  ecclesiae  esse,   turn  Episcopos  quibus  facultas 
dispensandi  tum  verbum  tum  sacramenta  commissa  est,  tum 
Diaconos,    viros   et    viduas,    qui  res  pauperum  et  fratrum 
infirmorum  curant. 

17 
Fratres  post  tertium  gradum  adraonitionis  in  peccatis  sibi 
cognitis   perseverantes    excludendos    esse    e    communione 
sanctorum  per  excommunicationem. 

18 
Excommunicatos  quod  ad  civile  commercium  attinet  non 
esse  devitandos. 

19 
Mortuos   (vivis  momento  mutatis)   resurrecturos  iisdem 
corposibus,  non  substantia  sed  qualitatibus  mutatis. 

20 
Post  resurrectionem  omnes  sistendos  fore  ad  tribunal 
Christi  judicis,  secundum  opera  judicandos  :  pios  post  sen- 
tentiam  absolutionis  vita  eterna  cum  Christo  in  caelis 
fruituros,  impios  vero  damnatos,  in  Gehenna  cum  Diabolo 
et  angelis  ejus  eternis  suppliciis  cruciandos. 

John  Smyth 


APPENDIX  E 

LETTER  OF  THO:\IAS  HELWYS  AND  CHURCH  TO  THE 

CONSISTORY   OF  THE   UNITED   MENNONITE 

CHURCH  AT  AMSTERDAM 

(Copied  from  the  Records  of  aforesaid  Church,     i  page  fol. 
No  date.     No.  1349.) 


Ecclesia  Anglicana  Ecclesiae  Belgiae  Amsterdamiae. 
Gratia  vobis  et  pax  a  Deo  patre  nostro  et  domino  Jesu 
Christo. 

Charissimi  frates  fidei  vinculo,  (in  eo  ad  quod  perveni- 
mus)  oportet  nos,  ut  eadem  simul  incedaraus  regula  :  et  hoc 
profitemur  in  omnibus  erga  vos  prestare,  secundum  earn 
scientiae  et  gratiae  mensuram,  quam  Deus  nobis  dedit  aut 
daturus  est :  idem  a  vobis  expectantes,  quum  tale  judicium 
de  vobis  ferendum  est  Ideirco  nostra  interesse  judicavimus 
(cum  auditua  idque  a  semetipsis,  quod  quidam,  qui  erant 
ex  nobis,  sed  nunc  temporis,  propter  eorum  in  peccato  im- 
penitentiam,  quum  nos  esse  Christi  ecclesiam  et  potestatem 
recipiendi  ejiciendique  membra  habere  uegent,  sancta 
Christi  censura  nobis,  ejus  ecclesiae,  concessa ;  et  com- 
munione  omnium  sanctorum  juste  excluduntur,  et  nunc 
conantur  seipsos  vobis  adjungere),  vos  certiores  facere,  ut 
caveatis,  ne  tales  recipiatis,  quibus  polluaniini,  cum  optime 
sciatis  paululo  fermenti  totam  massam  fermentari.  Et  vos 
in  timore  Dei  obsecramus,  ut  vobis  ipsis  attendatis,  ne 
inconsulto  improbos  justificetis  innocentesque  condemnetis, 
a  quo  scelere  ut  vos  Deus  avertat  summis  precibus  oramus. 
Sed  persuasimus  nobis  de  vobis  istis  meliora,  assidue  ex- 
pectantes, vos  operam  vestram  potius  in  reformandis  con- 
tumacibus,  quam  in  ipsis  corroborandis  in  peccatis  suis 
daturos,  et  adhuc  vestrum  auxilium  in  nobis  superstruendis, 
non  diruendis  coUocaturos.  Et  sic  sperantes  vos  in  omni- 
bus rebus  vestris,  verbum  Dei  regulam  vestrae  directionis, 
secundum  vestrae  fidei  professionem,  sequuturos  :  com- 
mendamus  vos  Deo  et  Sermoni  gratiae  ipsius,  qui  potest 
superstruere,  et  dare  vobis  quod  haereditatis  jure  possideatis 
cum  sanctificatis  omnibus.     Valete. 


APPENDIX  F 

CONFESSION  OF  FAITH  OF  THE  "TRUE  ENGLISH  CHURCH- 
UNDER  THOMAS  HELWYSS  AT  AMSTERDAM,  IN  NINE- 
TEEN ARTICLES  PRESENTED  TO  THE  WATERLAND- 
ERS,  WITH  THANKS   FOR   THEIR  ALREADY 
GIVEN  INFORMATION  AND  RECOMMEND- 
ING THEMSELVES  FOR  THE  FUTURE. 

(Archives  of  the  Amsterdam  Meunouite  Congregation, 
No.  1350.     3  pages  folio). 


Synopsis    fidei    verae    Christianae    Ecclesiae   Anglicanae 

Amsterodainiae. 

I 

Quod  tre-s  sunt  qui  testificantur  iu  caelo,  Pater,  Sermo  et 
Spiritus  Sanctus,  et  hi  tres  sunt  unus  Deus,  per  quern 
omnia  in  caelo  et  terra  creantur  et  preservantur. 

2 

Quod  hie  Deus  creavit  hominem  secundum  imaginem 
suam,  qui  peccavit  et  per  cujus  inobedientiam  omues  pecca- 
tores  constituti  sunt  ;  sed  per  obedientiam  JesuChristi  justi 
constituuntur  omnes. 

3 
Quod  Deus  necessitatem  peccandi  nemini  imponit. 

4 
Quod  nullum  sit  peccatum  per  generationem  a  parentibus 

nostris. 

5 

Quod  Deus  vult  omnes  homines  servari  et  ad  agnitionem 
veritatis  venire  et  non  vult  mortem  morientis. 

6 

Quod  Jesus  Christus  in  plenitudine  temporis  manifestatus 
erat  in  carne,  factus  ex  muliere,  conceptus  et  natus  ex  ea, 
Spiritus  Sanctus  inumbrans  eam,  fructus  uteri  ejus,  semen 
Abrahami,  Isaaci,  Jacobi  et  Davidis  secundum  carnem.  Et 
sic  verus  homo  circumcisus  erat,  baptisatus,  precatus  est, 


216  History  op  the  Free  Churchmen 

tentatus  erat,  metuebat,  iguarus  dici  judicii,  esuriebat, 
sitiebat,  defatigatus  erat,  edebat,  bibebat,  somuum  oculis 
capiebat,  statura  et  coguitione  crescebat,  crucifixus  erat, 
moriebatur,  sepultus  resiirrexit,  in  caelum  asceudebat, 
omni  potestate  in  caelo  et  terra  ei  traditia  existens  solus 
Rex,  Sacerdos  et  Propheta  ejus  ecclesiae.  Et  una  persona, 
verus  Deus  et  verus  homo. 

7 
Quod  hominis  justificatio  coram  Deo  solummodo  consistit 

in  Christi  obedientia  et  justicia  per  fidem  apprehensa  :  fides 

tamen  absque  operibus  mortua  est. 

8 

Quod  homo  Dei  gratia  per  Christi  redemptionem  faculta- 

tem  habet  (Spiritu  Sancto  in  eo  operante  per  predicationem 

evangelii)  resipiscendi,  credendi,  ad  Deum  revertendi  et  ad 

finem    perseverandi,    atque    etiam   est    in    homine  facultas 

Spiritui  Sancto  resistendi  et  a  Domino  avertendei. 

9 
Quod  Ecclesia  sit  coetus  populi  fidelis,  baptizatus  in 
nomen  Patris,  Filii  et  spiritus,  tempore  quo  confitentur 
fidem  et  peccata  eorum  ;  potestatem  Christi  habens  verbum 
predicandi,  baptismum  et  coenamdominicam  administrandi, 
ministros  suos  eligendi  et  abdicandi,  et  membra  sua  recipi- 
endi  et  ejiciendi,  secundum  Christi  canones. 

ID 

Quod  baptismus  sit  signum  externum  remissionis  pecca- 
torum,  mortificationis  et  vitae  renovationis,  et  idcirco  ad 
infantes  non  pertinet. 

1 1 

Quod  coena  dominica  sit  signum  externum  spiritualis 
communionis  Christi  et  fidelium  mutuo  in  fide  et  charitate. 

12 

Quod  unumquodque  membrum  corposis  oportet  se  mutuo 
cognoscere,  ut  sic  prestent  omnia  charitatis  fraternae 
munera,  tarn  animae  quam  corporis,   mutuo  sibi  invicem  : 


Appendix  F  217 

et  presestim  Presbiteros  oportet  totum  gregem  cognoscere^ 
iu  quo  cos  Spiritus  Sauctus  constituit  Episcopos. 

13 
Quod  Ecclesiae  ministri  siiit  aut  Episcopi,  quibus  ab 
Ecclesia  commissa  est  potestas  verbum  predicaudi,  baptis- 
mum  et  coenam  dominicam  adniinistrandi  ;  aut  Diaconi, 
viri  et  viduae,  qui  pro  ecclesia  fratrum  pauperum  et  infir- 
morum  necessitates  sublevant. 

14 
Quod  oportet  Ecclesiam  (juxta  Christi  discipulorum  et 
primitivarum  ecclesiarum  exemplum)  unoquoque  prinio 
die  hebdoraadis  convenire  ad  precandum,  prophetandum, 
Deum  celebrandum,  panem  fraugendum  et  prestandum 
cetera  omnia  munera  spiritualis  communionis,  quae  pertinent 
ad  divinum  cultuni,  membrorum  mutuam  aedificationem  et 
preservationem  verae  religionis  et  pietatis  in  Ecclesia  :  et 
idcirco  seponendi  sunt  ordinarii  nostrarum  vocationum 
labores,  qui  in  eo  nos  impedire  possent. 

15 
Quod  fratres  in  peccato  impenitentes,  post  tertium  admo- 
itionis     gradum  per  ecclesiam    actum,    per  excommunica- 
tionem  ejiciendi  sint  et  ecclesiae  communione. 

16 
Quod  excommunicati  respectu  civilis  societatis  non  sint 
fugiendi. 

17 
Quod  adiaphora  non   sint   ecclesiae    aut    alicui    membro 
ecclesiae  iniponenda,  sed  Christiana  libertas  in   hujusmodi 
retinenda  est. 

18 
Quod  mortui  resurgent  (et  vivis  momento  mutatis)  eadem 
corpora  quoad  substantiam,  etsi  quoad  qualitates  diversa. 

19 
Quod    omnes   homines    post    resurrectionem    comparere 
opera  coram  tribunali  Christi  dijudicandos  secundum  opera 


218  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

eoruni,  ut  pii  justificati  aeterna  vita  fruantiir  et  inipii  cou- 
demnati  in  Gehenna  cruciatus  aeternos  ferant. 


Et  sic  per  Dei  misericordiam,  Christum  secundum  ejus 
verbum  didicimus,  agnoscentes  tamen  nos  ipsos  simplices  et 
ignaros,  et  semper  paratos  cum  omni  reverentia  et  humilitate 
a  Deo  instrui  per  hujus  modi  instrumenta,  quae  Dominus 
noster  escitaverit  pro  nostra  in  veritate  ampliore  informa- 
tione,  et  Deo  benedicentes  pro  hujusmodi  optimis  mediis 
quae  a  vobis  nobis  supped itata  sunt,  Dominum  nostrum 
Jesum  Christum  supplicites  invocantes,  ut  vos  et  nos  per 
Spiritum  suum  in  omnem  dirigat  veritatem. 

Gratia  sit  vobis  et  pax  a  Deo  patre  nostro  et  a  domino 
nostro  Jesu  Christo. 


APPENDIX  G 

A  short  confession  of  faith,  no  date,  in  38  articles,  signed  by  twenty 
brethren  and  twenty  one  sisters  of  the  English,  of  whom,  however, 
seven  brethren  and  6  sisters  drew  afterwards  a  line  through  their 
signature.  10  pages  fol,  No.  1352  of  the  archives  of  the  Amsterdam 
Mennonite  Church.  In  English  ( Being  a  translation  of  the  confession 
of  faith  of  Lubbert  Gerrits  and  Hans  de  Ries. ) 

Article  i.  We  believe  through  the  power  and  instruc- 
tion of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  that  there  is  one  only  God,  who 
is  a  spirit,  eternal,  incomprehensible,  infinite,  almighty, 
merciful,  righteous,  perfectly  wise,  only  good,  and  only 
fountain  of  life  and  all  goodness  ;  the  Creator  of  heaven 
and  earth,  things  visible  and  invisible. 

2.  This  only  God  in  the  Holy  Scriptures  is  manifested 
revealed  in  Father,  Son  and  Holy  Ghost,  being  three,  and 
nevertheless  but  one  God. 

3.  The  Father  is  the  original  and  beginning  of  all  things  ; 
who  hath  begotten  his  Son  from  everlasting  before  all 
creation  ;  that  Sou  is  the  everlasting  word  of  the  Father, 
and  his  wisdom.  The  Holy  Ghost  is  his  virtue,  power, 
and  might,  proceeding  from  the  Father  and  the  Son.  These 
three  are  not  divided,  not  separated  in  essence,  nature, 
property,  eternity,  power,  glory,  or  excellency. 

4.  This  only  God  hath  created  man  good,  according  to 
his  image  and  likeness,  to  a  good  and  happy  estate,  and  in 
him  all  men  to  the  same  blessed  end.  The  first  man  was 
fallen  into  sin  and  wrath  ;  and  was  again  by  God,  through 
a  sweet  comfortable  promise,  restored  and  affirmed  to  ever- 
lasting life,  with  all  those  that  were  guilty  through  him  ; 
so  that  none  of  his  posterity  (by  reason  of  this  institution) 
are  guilty,  sinful,  or  born  in  original  sin. 

5.  Man  being  created  good,  and  continuing  in  goodness, 
had  the  ability,  the  spirit  of  wickedness  tempting  him, 
freely  to  obey,  assent,  or  reject  the  propounded  evil :  man 
being  fallen  and  consisting  in  evil,  had  the  ability,  the  T — 


220  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

himself  moving  him  freelj'  to  obey,  assent,  or  reject  the 
propounded  good  :  for  as  he  through  free  power  to  the 
choice  of  evil,  obeyed  and  affirmed  that  evil  ;  so  did  he 
through  free  power  to  the  choice  of  good,  obey  and  reassent 
that  propounded  good.  This  last  power  or  ability  remaineth 
in  all  his  posterity. 

6.  God  hath  before  all  time  foreseen  and  foreknown  all 
things,  both  good  and  evil,  whether  past,  present,  or  to 
come.  Now  as  he  is  the  only,  perfect  goodness,  and  the 
very  fountain  of  life  itself,  so  is  he  the  only  author,  original, 
and  maker  of  such  things  as  are  good,  holy,  pure,  and  of 
nature  like  unto  him  ;  but  not  of  sin,  or  damnable  unclean- 
ness.  He  forbiddeth  the  evil,  he  forewarneth  to  obey  evil, 
and  threatened  the  evil  doer  :  he  is  the  permitter  and  puu- 
isher.  But  evil  men,  through  free  choice  of  all  sin  and 
wickedness,  together  with  the  spirit  of  wickedness  which 
ruleth  in  them,  are  the  authors,  originals,  and  makers  of 
all  sin,  and  so  worthy  the  punishment. 

7.  The  causes  and  ground,  therefore,  of  man's  destruc- 
tion and  damnation  are  the  man's  free  choice  of  darkness  or 
sin  and  living  therein.  Destruction,  therefore,  cometh  out 
of  himself,  but  not  from  the  good  Creator.  For  being 
perfect  goodness  and  love  itself  (following  the  nature  of 
love  and  perfect  goodness),  he  willeth  the  health,  good, 
and  happiness  of  his  creatures  ;  therefore  hath  he  predesti- 
nated that  none  of  them  should  be  condemned,  nor  ordained, 
or  willed  the  sinner,  or  means  whereby  they  should  be 
brought  to  damnation  ;  yea,  much  more  (seeing  he  hath  no 
delight  in  any  man's  destruction,  nor  willing  that  any  man 
perish,  but  that  all  men  should  be  saved  or  blessed)  hath  he 
created  them  all  to  a  happy  end  in  Christ,  hath  foreseen 
and  ordained  in  him  a  medicine  of  life  for  all  their  sins,  and 
hath  willed  that  all  people  or  creatures,  through  the  preach- 
ing of  the  Gospel,  should  have  these  tidings  published  and 
declared  unto  them  ;   Now  all  they  that  with  penitence  and 


Appendix  G  221 

faithful  hearts  receive  and  embrace  the  gracious  benefits  of 
God,  manifested  in  Christ,  for  the  reconciliation  of  the 
world,  they  are  and  continue  the  elect  which  God  hath 
ordained  before  the  foundation  of  the  world,  to  make  par- 
takers of  his  kingdom  and  glory.  But  they  which  despise 
and  contemn  this  proffered  grace  of  God,  which  love  the 
darkness  more  than  the  light,  persevere  in  impenitence  and 
unbelief,  they  make  themselves  unworthy  of  blessedness, 
and  are  rejected,  excluded  from  the  end  whereto  they  were 
created  and  ordained  in  Christ,  and  shall  not  taste  forever 
of  the  Supper  of  the  lyord,  to  which  they  were  invited. 

8.  The  purpose  which  God,  before  the  foundation  of  the 
world,  had  for  the  reconciliation  of  the  world  (which  he 
saw  would  fall  into  wrath  and  want  of  grace),  he  hath  in 
the  fulness  of  time  accomplished  ;  and  for  this  purpose  hath 
sent  out  of  heaven  his  everlasting  word,  or  son,  for  the  ful- 
filling of  the  promise  made  unto  the  fathers,  and  hath  caused 
him  to  become  flesh  ....  in  the  womb  of  a  holy  virgin 
(called  Mary)  by  his  word,  and  power,  and  working  of  the 
Holy  Ghost.  Not  that  the  essence  of  God,  the  eternal 
word  or  any  part  thereof  is  changed  into  a  visible  mortal 
flesh  or  man,  ceasing  to  be  Spirit,  God,  or  God's  essence  ; 
but  that  he,  the  everlasting  Son  of  God,  continuing  that  he 
was  before,  namely,  God  or  Spirit,  became  what  he  was  not, 
that  is,  flesh  or  man  ;  and  he  is  in  one  person  true  God  and 
man,  born  of  Mary,  being  visibly  and  invisibly,  inwardly 
and  outwardly,  the  true  Son  of  the  living  God. 

9.  This  Person,  God  and  Man,  the  Son  of  the  living  God, 
is  come  into  the  world  to  save  sinners,  or  to  reconcile  the 
sinful  world  to  God  the  Father  :  therefore  now  acknowledge 
him  to  be  the  only  Mediator,  King,  Priest  and  Prophet, 
Lawgiver  and  Teacher,  which  God  hath  promised  to  send 
into  the  world,  whom  we  must  trust,  believe,  and  follow. 

10.  In  him  is  fulfilled,  and  by  him  is  taken  away,  an 
intolerable   burden   of   the   Law   of    Moses,    even   all   the 


222  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

shadows  and  figures;  as,  namely,  the  priesthood,  temple, 
altar,  sacrifice  ;  also  the  kingly  office,  kingdom,  sword, 
revenge  appointed  by  the  law,  battle,  and  whatsoever  was 
a  figure  of  his  person  or  office,  so  thereof  a  shadow  or  repre- 
sentation. 

11.  And  as  the  true  promised  Prophet  he  hath  mani- 
fested and  revealed  unto  us  whatsoever  God  asketh  or 
requireth  of  the  people  of  the  New  Testament  ;  for  as  God, 
by  Moses  and  the  other  prophets,  hath  spoken  and  declared 
his  will  to  the  people  of  the  Old  Testament  ;  so  hath  he  in 
those  last  days,  by  his  Prophet,  spoken  unto  us,  and 
revealed  unto  us  the  mystery  (concealed  from  the  beginning 
of  the  world),  and  hath  now  manifested  to  us  whatsoever 
yet  remained  to  be  manifested.  He  hath  preached  the 
promised  glad  tidings,  appointed  and  ordained  the  sacra- 
ments, the  offices  and  ministeries,  by  God  thereto  destin- 
ated  ;  and  hath  showed  by  doctrine  and  life,  the  law  of 
Christians,  a  rule  of  their  life,  the  path  and  way  to  ever- 
lasting life. 

12.  Moreover,  as  a  High  Priest  and  Mediator  of  the  New 
Testament,  after  that  he  hath  accomplished  the  will  of  his 
Father  in  the  aforesaid  works,  he  hath  finally  given  himself 
obediently  (for  the  reconciliation  of  the  sins  of  the  world) 
to  all  outward  suffering,  and  hath  offered  up  himself  in 
death  upon  the  cross  unto  the  Father,  for  a  sweet  savour 
and  common  oblation. 

13.  We  acknowledge  that  the  obedience  of  the  Son  of 
God,  his  suffering,  dying,  bloodshed,  bitter  passion,  death, 
and  only  sacrifice  upon  the  cross,  is  a  perfect  reconciliation 
and  satisfaction  for  our  sins  and  the  sins  of  the  world  ;  so 
that  men  thereby  are  reconciled  to  God,  are  brought  into 
power,  and  have  a  sure  hope  and  certainty  to  the  entrance 
into  everlasting  life. 

14.  Christ,  OUT  Prophet  and  Priest,  being  also  the  prom- 
ised, only  spiritual,  heavenly  King  of  the  New  Testament, 


Appendix  G  223 

hath  erected,  or  built,  a  spiritual  kingdom,  and  united  a 
company  of  faithful,  spiritual  men  ;  these  persons  hath  he 
endowed  with  spiritual,  kingly  laws,  after  the  nature  of  the 
heavenly  kingdom,  and  hath  established  therein  justice, 
righteousness,  and  the  ministers  thereof. 

15.  Having  accomplished  and  performed  here  upon  the 
earth,  by  dying  the  death,  his  office  of  the  cross,  he  was 
afterwards  buried,  thereby  declaring  that  he  was  truly 
dead  ;  the  third  day  he  rose  again,  and  stood  up  from  the 
dead,  abolishing  death,  and  testifying  that  he  was  Lord 
over  death,  and  that  he  could  not  possibly  be  detained  by 
the  hands  of  death,  thereby  comfortably  assuring  all  the 
faithful  of  their  resurrection  and  standing  up  from  death. 

16.  Afterwards,  forty  days  spent,  he  conversed  amongst 
his  disciples,  and  ofttimes  showed  himself  unto  them,  that 
there  might  no  doubt  be  had  concerning  his  resurrection  ; 
after  that,  being  compassed  by  a  cloud,  he  was  carried  up 
into  heaven,  and  entered  unto  his  glory,  leading  captivity 
captive,  and  making  a  show  of  his  enemies,  hath  gloriously 
triumphed  over  them,  and  is  sat  at  the  right  hand  of  the 
Majesty  of  God,  and  is  become  a  Lord,  and  Christ,  glorified 
in  body'  advanced,  lifted  up,  and  crowned  with  praise  and 
glory,  and  remaineth  over  Mount  Sion,  a  Priest  and  King 
for  everlasting. 

17.  The  holy  office  of  this  glorified  Priest,  King,  Lord, 
and  Christ,  in  the  heavenly  glorious  being,  is  to  help, 
govern  and  preserve,  by  his  holy  Spirit,  his  holy  church 
and  people  in  the  world,  through  the  storm,  wind,  and 
troubles  of  the  sea  ;  for,  according  to  his  priestly  office,  as 
an  overseer  or  steward  of  the  true  tabernacle,  is  he  our 
Intercessor,  Advocate,  and  Mediator  by  the  Father.  He 
teacheth,  comforteth,  strengtheneth,  and  baptizeth  us  with 
the  Holy  Ghost,  his  heavenly  gifts  and  fiery  victims,  and 
keepeth  his  spiritual  supper  with  the  faithful  soul  making 
it  partaker  of  the  life-giving  food  and  drink  of  the  soul,  the 


224  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

fruit,  virtue,  and  worth  of  his  merits  obtained  upon  the 
cross  ;  the  only  and  necessary  good  signified  in  the  sacra- 
ments. 

i8.  And  according  to  his  kingly  office,  in  his  heavenly 
being  he  governeth  the  hearts  of  the  faithful  by  his  Holy 
Spirit  and  Word,  he  taketh  them  unto  his  protection,  he 
covereth  them  under  the  shadow  of  his  wings,  he  armeth 
them  with  spiritual  weapons  for  the  spiritual  warfare 
against  all  their  enimies,  namely,  the  spirit  of  wickedness, 
under  heaven,  and  whatsoever,  dependeth  on  them  in  this 
earth.  He,  their  most  Glorious,  Almighty,  Heavenly 
King,  standeth  by  them,  delivereth  and  freeth  them  from 
the  hands  of  their  enimies,  giveth  them  victory  and  the 
winning  of  the  field,  and  hath  prepared  for  them  a  crown 
of  righteousness  in  heaven.  And  they  being  the  redeemed 
of  the  Lord,  who  dwell  in  the  house  of  the  Lord,  upon 
the  Mount  Sion,  do  change  their  fleshly  weapons,  namely, 
swords  into  shares  and  their  spears  into  sythes,  do  lift  up 
no  sword  neither  hath  nor  consent  to  fleshly  battle. 

19.  All  these  spiritual  good  things  and  beneficial,  which 
Christ,  by  his  merits,  hath  obtained  for  the  saving  of 
sinners,  we  do  graciously  enjoy  through  a  true,  living, 
working  faith.  Which  faith  is  an  assured  understanding 
and  knowledge  of  the  heart,  obtained  out  of  the  Word  of 
God,  concerning  God,  Christ,  and  other  heavenly  things 
which  are  necessary  for  us  to  know,  and  to  believe  to  salva- 
tion, together  with  a  hearty  confidence  in  the  only  God, 
that  he  as  a  gracious  and  heavenly  Father,  will  give  and 
bestow  upon  us,  through  Christ,  and  for  his  merits,  what- 
soever is  helpful  and  profitable  for  body  and  soul  for 
salvation. 

20.  Through  such  a  faith  we  obtain  true  righteousness, 
forgiveness,  absolution  from  sin  through  the  bloodshed  of 
Christ,  and  true  righteousness,  which  through  the  Christ 
Jesus,  by  the  co-operation  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  is  plentifully 


Appendix  G  225 

shed  and  poured  into  us,  so  that  we  truly  are  made,  of  evil 
men,  good  ;  of  fleshly,  spiritual ;  of  covetous,  liberal  ;  of 
proud,  humble  ;  and  through  regeneration  are  made  pure 
in  heart,  and  the  children  of  God. 

21.  Man  being  thus  justified  by  faith,  liveth  and  worketh 
by  love  (which  the  Holy  Ghost  sheddeth  into  the  heart) 
in  all  good  works,  in  the  laws,  precepts,  ordinances  given 
them  by  God  through  Christ  ;  he  praiseth  and  blesseth 
God,  by  a  holy  life,  for  every  benefit,  especially  of  the 
soul ;  and  so  are  all  such  plants  of  the  Lord  trees  of  right- 
eousness, who  honor  God  through  good  works,  and  expect 
a  blessed  reward. 

22.  Such  faithful  righteous  people,  scattered  in  several 
parts  of  the  world,  being  the  true  congregations  of  God,  or 
the  church  of  Christ,  whom  he  saved,  and  for  whom  he 
gave  himself,  that  he  might  sanctify  them,  ye  whom  he 
hath  cleansed  by  the  washing  of  water  in  the  word  of  life  : 
of  all  such  is  Jesus  the  Head,  the  Shepherd,  the  Leader, 
the  Lord,  the  King,  and  Master.  Now  although  among 
these  there  may  be  mingled  a  company  of  seeming  holy 
men,  or  hypocrites  ;  yet,  nevertheless,  they  are  and  remain 
only  the  righteous,  true  members  of  the  body  of  Christ, 
according  to  the  spirit  and  the  truth,  the  heirs  of  the 
promises,  truly  saved  from  the  hypocrites  and  dissemblers. 

23.  In  this  holy  church  hath  God  ordained  the  ministers 
of  the  Gospel,  the  doctrines  of  the  holy  Word,  the  use  of 
the  holy  sacraments,  the  oversight  of  the  poor,  and  the 
the  ministers  of  the  same  ofltices  ;  furthermore,  the  exercise 
of  brotherly  admonition  and  correction,  and  finally,  the 
separating  of  the  impenitent  ;  which  holy  ordinances,  con- 
tained in  the  Word  of  God,  are  to  be  administered  according 
to  the  contents  thereof. 

24.  And  like  as  a  body  consisteth  of  divers  parts,  and 
every  part  hath  its  own  proper  work,  seeing  everj^  part  is 
not  a  hand,  eye,  or  foot ;  so  it  is  also  in  the  church  of  God  ; 


226  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

for  although  every  believer  is  a  member  of  the  body  of 
Christ,  yet  is  not  every  one  therefore  a  teacher,  elder,  or 
deacon,  but  only  such  who  are  orderly  appointed  to  such 
offices.  Therefore,  also,  the  administration  of  the  said 
offices  or  duties  pertaineth  only  to  those  that  are  ordained 
thereto,  and  not  to  every  particular  common  person. 

25.  The  vocation  or  election  of  the  said  officers  is  per- 
formed by  the  church,  with  fasting,  and  prayer  to  God  ; 
for  God  knoweth  the  heart  ;  he  is  amongst  the  faithful  who 
are  gathered  together  in  his  name  ;  and  by  his  Holy  Spirit 
doth  so  govern  the  minds  and  hearts  of  his  people,  that  he 
by  them  bringeth  to  light  and  propoundeth  whom  he 
knoweth  to  be  profitable  to  his  church. 

26.  And  although  the  election  and  vocation  to  the  said 
offices  is  performed  by  the  foresaid  means,  yet,  nevertheless 
the  investing  into  the  said  service  is  accomplished  by  the 
elders  of  the  church  through  the  laying  on  of  hands. 

27.  The  doctrine  which  by  the  foresaid  ministers  must 
be  proposed  to  the  people,  is  even  the  same  which  Christ 
brought  out  of  heaven,  which  he,  by  word  and  work,  that 
is,  by  doctrine  and  life,  hath  taught  which  was  preached 
by  the  apostles  of  Christ,  by  the  commandment  of  Christ 
and  the  Spirit,  which  we  find  written  (so  much  as  is  need- 
ful for  us  to  salvation)  in  the  Scripture  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, whereto  we  apply  whatsoever  we  find  in  the  Canoni- 
cal book  of  the  Old  Testament,  which  hath  affinity  and 
verity,  which  by  doctrine  of  Christ  and  his  apostles,  and 
consent  and  agreement,  with  the  government  of  his  Spirit- 
ual Kingdom. 

28.  There  are  two  sacraments  appointed  by  Christ,  in  his 
holy  church,  the  administration  whereof  he  hath  assigned 
to  the  ministry  of  teaching,  namely,  the  Holy  Baptism  and 
the  Holy  Supper.  These  are  outward  visible  handlings 
and  tokens,  setting  before  our  eyes,  on  God's  side,  the  in- 
ward spiritual  handling  which  God,  through  Christ,  by  the 


Appendix  G  227 

co-operation  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  setteth  forth  in  the  justifi- 
cation in  the  penitent  faithful  soul  ;  and  which  on  our  be- 
half, witnesseth  our  religion,  experience,  faith,  and  obedi- 
ence, through  the  obtaining  of  a  good  conscience  to  the 
service  of  God. 

2g.  The  Holy  Baptism  is  given  unto  these  in  the  name  of 
the  Father,  the  Son,  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  which  hear,  be- 
lieve, and  with  penitent  heart  receive  the  doctrines  of  the 
Holy  Gospel.  For  such  hath  the  Lord  Jesus  commanded 
to  be  baptized,  and  no  unspeaking  children. 

30.  The  whole  dealing  in  the  outward  visible  baptism  of 
water,  setteth  before  the  eyes,  witnesseth  and  signifyeth, 
the  Lord  Jesus  doth  inwardly  baptise  the  repentant,  faithful 
man,  in  the  laver  of  regeneration  and  renewing  by  the 
Holy  Ghost,  washing  the  soul  from  all  pollution  and  sin, 
by  the  virtue  and  merit  of  his  bloodshed  ;  and  by  the  power 
and  working  of  the  Holy  Gost,  the  true,  heavenly  spiritual, 
living  Water,  cleanseth  the  inward  evil  of  the  soul,  and 
maketh  it  heavenly,  spiritual,  and  living,  in  true  righteous- 
ness or  goodness.  Therefore,  the  baptism  of  water  leadeth 
us  to  Christ,  to  his  holy  office  in  glory  and  majesty  ;  and 
admonisheth  us  not  to  hang  only  upon  the  outward,  but 
with  holy  prayer  to  mount  upward,  and  to  beg  of  Christ 
the  good  thing  signified. 

31.  The  Holy  Supper,  according  to  the  institution  of 
Christ,  is  to  be  administered  to  the  baptized  ;  as  the  Lord 
Jesus  hath  commanded  that  whatsoever  he  hath  appointed 
should  be  taught  to  be  observed. 

32.  The  whole  dealing  in  the  outward  visible  supper, 
setteth  before  the  eye,  witnesseth  and  signifyeth,  that 
Christ's  body  was  broken  upon  the  cross,  and  his  holy 
blood  spilt  for  the  remission  of  our  sins.  That  the  being 
glorified  in  his  heavenly  Being,  is  the  alive-making  bread, 
meat  and  drink  of  our  souls,  it  setteth  before  our  eyes 
Christ's  office  and  ministry  in  glory  and  majesty,  by  holding 


228  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

his  spiritual  supper,  which  the  believing  soul,  feeding  and 
....  the  soul  with  spiritual  food  :  it  teacheth  us  by  the 
outward  handling  to  mount  upwards  with  the  heart  holy 
prayer,  to  beg  at  Christ's  hands  the  true  signified  food  ; 
and  it  admonisheth  us  of  thankfulness  to  God,  and  of  verity 
and  love  one  with  another. 

33.  The  church  discipline,  or  external  censures,  is  also 
an  outward  handling  among  the  believers,  whereby  the 
impenitent  sinner,  after  Christian  admonition  and  reproof, 
is  severed,  by  reason  of  his  sins,  from  the  communion  of 
the  saints  for  his  future  good  ;  and  the  wrath  of  God  is 
denounced  against  him  until  the  time  of  his  contrition  and 
reformation  ;  and  there  is  also,  by  this  outward  separation 
of  the  church,  manifested  what  God  before  had  judged  and 
fore-handled,  concerning  this  secret  sinner,  by  reason  of 
his  sin.  Therefore,  first  before  the  Lord,  the  prejudging 
and  predetermining  of  the  matter  must  pass  ....  in  re- 
spect of  the  sinner  ....  and  the  after-judging  and  hand- 
ling by  the  church.  Therefore  the  church  must  carefully 
regard  that  none  in  the  church  be  condemned  with  it,  and 
be  condemned  in  the  Word  of  God. 

34.  The  person  separated  from  the  church  may  not  at  all 
be  admitted  (so  long  as  he  proceedeth  in  sin)  to  the  use  of 
the  holy  supper  or  any  other  ....  handling,  but  he  must 
be  avoided  therein,  as  also  in  all  other  things  betokening 
the  communion  of  saints  or  brotherhood.  And  as  the 
rebellious  life,  conversation,  or  daily  company  of  the  godless 
and  perverse,  or  anything  with  them,  is  dangerous  and 
hurtful,  and  ofttimes  promoteth  scandal  and  slander  to  the 
godly,  so  must  they  withdraw  themselves  from  the  same 
rebels,  avoiding  them  in  all  works  and  ends  whereby  their 
pure  souls  might  be  pollutted  and  defiled  :  yet  so  that 
always  the  Word  of  God  take  place,  and  that  nothing  take 
place  or  be  performed  that  is  contrary  to  love,  mercy. 
Christian  discretion,  promise,  or  any  other  like  matter. 


Appendix  G  229 

35.  Worldly  authority  or  magistracy  is  a  necessary  ordi- 
nance of  God,  appointed  and  established  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  common  estate,  and  of  a  good,  natural,  politic 
life,  for  the  reward  of  the  good  and  the  punishing  of  the 
evil  :  we  acknowledge  ourselves  obnoxious,  and  bound  by 
the  Word  of  God  to  fear,  honour,  and  show  obedience  to 
the  magistrates  in  all  causes  not  contrary  to  the  Word  of 
the  Lord.  We  are  obliged  to  pray  God  Almighty  for  them, 
and  to  thank  the  lyord  for  good  reasonable  magistrates,  and 
to  yield  unto  them,  without  murmuring,  beseeming  tribute, 
toll  and  tax.  This  office  of  the  worldly  authority  the  Lord 
Jesus  hath  not  ordained  in  his  spiritual  kingdom,  the 
church  of  the  New  Testament,  nor  adjoined  to  the  offices 
of  his  church.  Neither  hath  he  called  his  disciples  or  fol- 
lowers to  be  worldly  kings,  princes,  potentates,  or  magis- 
trates ;  neither  hath  he  burdened  or  charged  them  to 
assume  such  offices,  or  to  govern  the  world  in  such  a  worldly 
manner  ;  much  less  hath  he  given  a  law  to  the  members  of 
his  church  is  agreeable  to  such  office  or  government.  Yea, 
rather  they  are  called  of  him  (whom  they  are  commanded 
to  obey  by  a  voice  heard  from  heaven)  to  the  following  of 
his  unarmed  and  unweaponed  life,  and  of  his  cross-bearing 
footsteps.  In  whom  approved  nothing  less  than  a  worldly 
government,  power,  and  sword.  This  then  considered  (as 
also  further,  that  upon  the  office  of  the  worldly  authority 
many  other  things  depend,  as  wars  ....  to  hurt  his 
enemies  in  body  or  goods  ....  with  evilly  or  not  at  all 
will  fit  or  consort  with  the  Christ,  and  the  crucified  life  of 
the  Christians),  so  hold  we  that  it  beseemeth  not  Christians 
to  administer  these  offices  ;  therefore  we  avoid  such  offices 
and  administrations,  notwithstanding  by  no  means  thereby 
willing  to  despise  or  condemn  reasonable  discreet  magis- 
trates, nor  to  place  him  in  less  estimation  than  he  is 
described  by  the  Holy  Ghost,  of  Paul. 

36.  Christ,  the  King  and  Lawgiver  of   the  New  Testa- 


230  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

ment,  hath  prohibited  Christians  the  swearing  of  oaths ; 
therefore  it  is  not  permitted  that  the  faithful  of  the  New 
Testament  should  swear  at  all. 

37.  The  married  state,  or  matrimony,  hold  we  for  an 
ordinance  of  God,  which,  according  to  the  first  institution, 
shall  be  observed.  Every  man  shall  have  his  one  only  wife, 
and  every  woman  shall  have  her  one  'only  husband  ;  those 
may  not  be  separated  but  for  adultry.  We  permit  none  of 
our  Communion  to  marry  godless,  unbelieving,  fleshly  per- 
sons out  of  the  church  ;  but  we  censure  such  (as  other 
sinners)  according  to  the  disposition  and  desert  of  the 
cause. 

38,  Lastly,  we  believe  and  teach  the  resurrection  of  the 
dead,  both  of  the  just  and  the  unjust  as  Paul  (i  Cor.  XV) 
soundly  teacheth  and  wituesseth  :  The  soul  shall  be  united 
to  the  body,  every  one  shall  be  presented  before  the  judg- 
ment seat  of  Christ  Jesus,  to  receive  in  his  own  body  wages 
according  to  his  works.  And  the  righteous,  whosoever 
hath  lived  holily,  and  through  faith  brought  forth  the 
works  of  love  and  mercy,  shall  enter  into  everlasting  life 
with  Christ  Jesus,  the  Bridegroom  of  the  Christian  host. 
But  the  unsanctified,  which  have  not  known  God,  and  have 
not  obeyed  the  Gospel  of  Jesus  Christ,  shall  go  into  ever- 
lasting fire.  The  Almighty,  gracious,  merciful  God,  pre- 
serve us  from  the  punishment  of  the  ungodly,  and  grant  us 
grace  and  gifts  helpful  to  a  holy  life,  saving  death,  and 
joyful  resurrection  with  all  the  righteous.     Amen. 

We  subscribe  to  the  truth  of  these  Articles,  desiring 
further  information. 


APPENDIX  H 

CONFESSION  OF  FAITH  OF  JOHN  SMYTH  AND  HIS  PEOPLE 

IN  I02  ARTICLES  ;    THE  ORIGINAL  OF  WHICH  WAS 

FOUND  IN  1871  IN  YORK  MINSTER 

[Translated  from  the  copy  in  the  Archives  of  the  Amsterdam 
Mennonite  Church,  16  pages  folio,  No.  1365.] 

I 

We  believe  that  there  is  a  God  (Job.  XI. 16)  against  all 
Epictires  and  Atheists,  who  say  in  the  heart  or  utter  with 
the  mouth,  that  there  is  no  God.  (Pslm.  XIV.  I  ;  Job. 
XXII,  13). 

II 
That  this  God  is  one  in  number  (i  Cor.  VIII,  6)  against 
the  Pagans  or  any  other  who  hold  a  pleurality  of  gods. 

Ill 
That  God  is  incomprehensible  and  ineffable,  i.e.,  that  the 
essence  or  substance  of  God  cannot  be  comprehended  in  the 
mind,  nor  uttered  by  the  words  of  men  and  angels. 

IV 
That  the  creatures  and  Holy  Scriptures  do  not  intend  to 
teach  us  what  God  is  in  substance  or  essence,  but  what  he 
is  in  effect  and  property.      (Rom.  I.  19-21). 

V 
That  the  terms  Father,  Son  and  Holy  Spirit  do  not  teach 
us  God's  essence  or  substance,  but   only  his  hinder  parts: 
that  which  may  be  known  of  God.      (Rom.  I). 

VI 

That  God  may  be  known  by  his  titles,  properties,  effects, 
imprinted  and  expressed  in  the  creatures,  and  scriptures. 
(John  XVII.  3). 

VII 

That  to  understand  and  conceive  of  God  in  the  mind  is 
not  the  saving  knowledge  of  God  ;  but  to  be  like  to  God  in 


232  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

his  effects  and  properties,  —  to  be  made  conformable  to  his 
divine  and  heavenly  attributes  ;  that  is  the  true  saving 
knowledge  of  God,  whereunto  we  ought  to  give  all  diligence. 
(2  Cor.  III.  18  ;   Matt.  V.  49  ;  2  Peter  I.  4). 

VIII 

That  this  God  manifested  in  Father,  Son  and  Holy  Ghost 
(Matt.  III.  16)  is  most  merciful,  most  mighty,  most  holy, 
most  just,  most  wise,  most  true,  most  glorious,  eternal  and 
infinite.      (Pslm.  XC  2  ;  C  II.  27). 

IX 

That  God,  before  the  foundation  of  the  world,  did  foresee 
and  determine  the  issue  and  event  of  all  his  works  (Acts 
XV.  18)  and  that  actually  in  time  he  works  all  things  by 
his  providence,  according  to  the  good  pleasure  of  his  will 
(Eph.  I.  11),  and  therefore  we  abhor  the  opinion  of  them, 
who  avouch  that  all  things  happen  by  fortune  or  chance. 
(Acts  IV.  27,  28  ;   Matt.  X.  29,  30). 

X 

That  God  is  not  the  author  or  worker  of  sin  (Pslm.  V.  4  : 
James  I  13)  but  that  he  only  did  foresee  and  determine 
what  evil  the  free  will  of  angels  and  men  would  do  ;  but  he 
gave  no  influence,  instinct,  motion  or  inclination  to  the 
least  sin. 

XI 

That  God  in  the  beginning  created  the  world,  viz  :  the 
heavens,  and  the  earth  and  all  things  that  are  therein  (Gen. 
I  ;  Acts  XVII,  24)  so  that  the  things  that  are  seen,  were 
not  things  which  did  appear  (Heb.  XI.  3). 

XII 

That  God  created  man  to  blessedness,  according  to  his 
image  in  a  state  of  innocency,  free  without  corruption  of 
sin  (Gen.  I.  27  ;  II  25).  He  created  them  male  and 
female,  to  wit  one  man  and  one  woman  (Gen.  I.  27).  He 
framed  man  of  the  dust  of  the  earth,  and  breathed  into  him 
the  breath  of  life,  so  the   man  was  a  living  soul  (Gen.  II. 


Appendix  H  233 

21,  22}  and  God  blessed  them,  and  commanded  them  to 
increase  and  multiply,  and  to  fill  the  earth,  and  to  rule  over 
it  and  all  creatures  therein.      (Gen.  I.   28). 

XIII 

That,  therefore,  marriage  be  honourable  amongst  all  men, 
and  the  bed  be  undefiled,  viz  :  between  one  man  and  one 
woman  (Heb.  XIII.  4;  i  Cor.  VII.  2),  but  whoremongers 
and  adulterers  God  will  judge. 

XIV 

That  God  created  man  with  freedem  of  will,  so  that  he 
had  abilit}'  to  choose  the  good,  and  eshew  the  evil,  or  to 
choose  the  evil  and  refuse  the  good,  and  this  freedom  of 
will  was  a  natural  faculty  or  power,  created  by  God  in  the 
soul  of  man.     (Gen.  II.  16  ;  XVII.  3,  XVII.  10  ;  Gen.   I. 

17;  VII.  31). 

XV 

That  Adam  sinning  was  not  moved  or  inclined  thereto  by 

God,  or  by  any  decree  of  God,  but  that  he  fell  down  from 

innocency,  and  died  the  death  alone,  by  the  temptation  of 

Satan,    his    free    will    assenting    thereunto  freely.       (Gen. 

III.  6). 

XVI 

That  the  same  day  that  Adam  sinned  he  died  the  death 
(Rom.  VI.  23)  and  this  is  that  the  apostle  says,  dead  in 
trespasses  and  sins  (Eph.  II),  which  is  loss  of  innocency, 
of  the  peace  of  conscience  and  comfortable  presence  of  God. 
(Gen.  III.  7). 

XVII 

That  Adam  being  fallen  did  not  lose  any  natural  power 
or  faculty,  which  God  created  in  his  soul,  for  the  work  of 
satan,  who  is  sin,  cannot  abolish'God's  works  or  creatures, 
and  therefore  being  fallen  he  still  retained  freedom  of  will. 
(Gen.  Ill,  23,  24). 

XVIII 

That  original  sin  is  an  idle  term,  and  that  there  is  no 
such  thing  as  men  intend  by  the  word  (Jereni.  XVIII.  20)  ; 


234  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

because  God  threatened  death  only  to  Adam  (Geu.  II.  17) 
not  to  his  posterity,  and  because  God  created  the  soul 
(Heb.  XII.  9.) 

XIX 

That  if  original  sin  might  have  passed  from  Adam  to 
posterity,  Christ's  death,  which  was  effectual  before  Cain 
and  Abel's  birth,  he  being  the  lamb  slain  from  the  begin- 
ning of  the  world,  stopped  the  issue  and  passage  thereof. 
(Rev.  XIII.  8.) 

XX 

That  infants  are  conceived  and  born  in  innocency,  with- 
out sin,  and  that  so  dying  are  undoubtedly  saved,  and  that 
this  is  to  be  understood  of  all  infants  under  heaven  (Gen. 
V.  12  ;  Gen.  I.  17  ;  i  Cor.  XV.  19)  for  w^here  there  is  no 
law  there  is  no  transgression,  sin  is  not  imputed  while  there 
is  no  law,  but  the  law  was  not  given  to  infants,  but  to  them 
who  could  understand.  (Rom.  V.  13  ;  Matt.  XIII.  9  ;  Matt. 

VIII.  3.) 

XXI 

That  all  actual  sinners  bear  the  image  of  the  first  x\dam, 
in  his  innocency,  fall  and  restitution  in  the  offer  of  grace 
(i  Cor.  XV.  49)  and  so  pass  under  this  threefold  estate. 

XXII 

That  Adam  being  fallen  God  did  not  hate  him,  but  loved 
him  still,  and  sought  his  good  (Gen.  III.  8;  XV.  i), 
neither  does  he  hate  any  man  that  falleth  with  Adam  ;  but 
that  he  loves  mankind,  and  from  his  love  sent  his  onlj'  be- 
gotten son  into  the  world,  to  save  that  which  was  lost,  and 
to  seek  the  sheep  that  went  astray.  (John  III.  16  ;  Matt. 
XVIII.  11-14;  Luke  15.). 

XXIII 

That  God  never  forsakes  the  creature  till  there  is  no 
remedy,  neither  does  he  cast  away  his  innocent  creature 
from  all  eternity  ;  but  casts  away  men  irrecoverable  in  sin 
(Job.  V.  4;  Ezek.  XVIII  23-32  ;  XXXIII,  6.) 


Appendix  H  235 

XXIV 

That  as  there  is  in  all  the  creatures  a  natural  inclination 
to  their  young  ones  to  do  them  good,  so  there  is  in  the  Lord 
an  inclination  towards  men  to  promote  their  happiness  ;  for 
every  spark  of  goodness  in  the  creature  is  infinitely  good  in 
God.  (Rom.  I.  20;  Pslm.  XIX.  4;  Rom.  X.  18). 

XXV 
That  God  before  the  foundation  of  the  world  has  deter- 
mined the  way  of  life  and  salvation  to  consist  in  Christ  and 
that  he  has  foreseen  who  would  follow  it  (Eph.  I.  4,  V.  2  ; 
Tim.  I.  9),  and  also  who  would  follow  the  way  of  infidelity 
and  impenitency.  (Job.  I.  8.) 

XXVI 
That  as  no  man   begets  his  child   to  the  gallows,  nor  no 
potter  makes  a  pot   to  break  it,  so   God   does  not  create  or 
predestinate  any  man    to  destruction.       (Ezek.   XXXIII, 
17  ;  Gen.  I.  17  ;   i  Cor.  XV.  49  ;  Gen.  V.  3). 

XXVII 
That  as  God  created  all  men  according  to  his  image,  so 
has  he  redeemed  all  that  fall  by  actual  sin,  to  the  same  end  ; 
and  that  God  in  his  redemption  has  not  swerved  from  his 
mercy,  which  he  manifested  in  his  creation.  (John  I.  3-16  ; 
2  Cor.  V.  19  ;   I  Tim  II.  4,  5,  6.) 

XXVIII 
That  Jesus  Christ  is  he  who  in  the  beginning  did  lay  the 
foundation  of  the  heavens  and  earth  which  shall  perish 
(Heb.  I.  10  ;  Pslm.  CII.  28).  He  is  the  Alpha  and  Onega, 
the  beginning  and  the  end,  the  first  and  the  last  (Rev. 
XXII.  13)  He  is  the  brightness  of  the  glory  and  the  ex- 
pressed image  of  the  substance  of  his  Father,  upholding  all 
things  by  the  word  of  his  power.  (Heb.  I.  3).  He  is  the 
wisdom  of  God,  which  was  begotten  from  everlasting  before 
all  creatures  (Prov.  VIII.  20  ;  Micah  V.  4  ;  Luke  XI.  49). 
He  was  in  the  form  of  God,  and  thought  it  no  robbery  to 
be  equal  with  God  ;  yet  he  took  to  him  the  shape  of  a  ser- 


236  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

vant,  the  word  became  flesh  (John  I.  4  ;  Luke  I.  34),  won- 
derfully by  the  power  of  God  in  the  womb  of  the  Virgin 
Mary  ;  he  was  of  the  seed  of  David  according  ta  the  flesh, 
God  having  prepared  him  a  body.  (Phil.  II.  7  ;  Rom.  I. 
3  ;  Heb.  X.  5) 

XXIX 

That  Jesus  Christ,  after  his  baptism  by  a  voice  out  of 
heaven  from  the  Father,  and  by  the  anointing  of  the  Holy 
Ghost,  which  appeared  upon  his  head  in  the  form  of  a  dove, 
is  appointed  the  prophet  of  the  church,  whom  all  men  must 
hear  (Matt.  XVII  ;  Heb.  I.  2)  ;  and  that  both  by  his  doc- 
trine and  life,  which  he  led  here  in  the  earth,  by  all  his 
doings  and  sufferings,  he  has  declared  and  published  as  the 
only  prophet  and  lawgiver  of  his  church,  the  way  of  peace 
and  life,  the  glad  tidings  of  the  gospel.  (Acts  III.  22,  23.) 

XXX 

That  Jesus  Christ  came  into  the  world  to  save  sinners, 
and  that  God  in  his  love  to  his  enemies  did  send  him  (John 

III.  16)  that  Christ  died  for  his  enemies  (Rom.  V.  10)  ; 
that  he  bought  them  that  deny  him  (2  Peter  II.  i)  thereby 
teaching  us  to  love  our  enemies.     (Matt.  V.  44,  45). 

XXXI 
That  Christ  was  delivered  to  death  for  our  sins  (Rom. 

IV.  25)  and  that  by  his  death  we  have  the  remission  of  our 
sins  (Eph.  I.  7),  and  that  he  made  himself  of  no  reputation, 
humbled  himself,  and  became  obedient  into  death,  even  the 
death  of  the  cross  (Phil.  II.  8)  redeeming  us  from  our  vain 
conversation,  not  with  silver  or  gold,  but  with  the  precious 
blood  of  himself,  as  of  a  lamb  without  spot  and  undefiled 
(I  Pet.  I.  18-19);  for  lis  cancelled  the  hand-writing  of  ordi- 
nances, which  was  against  us  (Eph.  II.  15  ;  Col.  II.  14  ; 
Deut.  XXXI.  26),  and  spoiled  principalities  and  powers, 
made  a  show  of  them  openlj',  and  triumphed  over  them  on 
the  cross  (Col.  II.  15).  by  death  he  destroyed  him  who  had 
the  power  of  death, — that  is  the  devil.  (Heb.  II.  14). 


Appendix  H  237 

XXXII 
That  the  enemies  of  our  salvation,  which  Christ  van- 
quished are  the  gates  of  hell,  the  power  of  darkness, 
namely  :  Satan,  sin,  death,  the  grave,  the  curse  or  condem- 
nation, wicked  men  and  persecutors  (Eph.  VI.  12  ;  i  Cor. 
XV.  26;  I  Cor.  V.  4,  5-7;  Rev.  XX.  10-14,  15  ;)  which 
enemies  we  must  overcome  no  otherwise  than  Christ  has 
done.     (John  XXXI.  12  ;   i  Pet.  II.  21  ;  Rev.  XIV.  4). 

XXXIII 

That  although  the  sacrifice  of  Chirst's  body  and  blood 
offered  up  unto  God  his  Father  upon  the  cross  ;  be  a  sacri- 
fice of  a  sweet  smelling  Savour,  and  God  in  him  is  well 
pleased,  j^et  it  does  not  reconcile  God  unto  us,  who  did 
never  hate  us,  nor  was  our  enemy,  but  reconciles  us  unto 
God  and  slaves  the  enemy  and  hatred,  which  is  in  us 
against  God  (2  Cor.  V.  19  ;  Eph.  II.  14-17  ;   Rom.  I.  30). 

XXXIV 

That  the  efficacy  of  Christ's  death  is  only  derived  to 
them,  who  do  mortify  their  sins  which  are  grafted  with 
him  to  the  similitude  of  his  death  (Rom.  VI.  3-6),  which 
are  circumcised  with  circumcision  made  without  hands,  by 
putting  off  the  sinful  body  of  the  flesh,  through  the  cir- 
cumcision which  Christ  works  who  is  the  minister  of  the 
circumcision  for  the  truth  of  God,  to  confirm  the  promises 
made  to  the  Father.     (Rom.  XV  ;  Deut.  XXX.  6). 

XXXV 

That  there  are  three  which  bear  witness  in  the  earth  ; 
the  spirit,  water  and  blood,  and  these  three  are  one  in  testi- 
mony, witnessing  that  Christ  truly  died  (John  V.  8)  for  he 
gave  up  the  ghost  (John  XIX,  30),  and  out  of  his  side 
pierced  with  a  spear  came  water  and  blood,  the  cover  of  the 
heart  being  pierced,  where  there  is  water  contained.  (John 
XIX.  36-38). 


238  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

XXXVl 

That  every  mortified  person  has  this  witness  in  himself 
(i  John  V.  lo),  for  the  spirit,  blood  and  water  of  sin  is 
gone,  that  is  the  life  of  sin  with  the  nourishment  and 
cherishment  thereof,      (i  Pet.  IV.  i  ;  Rom.  VI.  7  ;   i  John 

III.  9). 

XXXVII 
That  Christ  Jesus  being  truly  dead  was  also  buried  (John 

XIX.  39-42),  and  that  he  lay  in  the  grave  the  whole 
sabbath  of  the  Jews  ;  but  in  the  grave  he  saw  no  corruption 
(Pslm  XVI.  10  ;   Acts  II.  31). 

XXXVIII 

That  all  mortified  persons  are  also  buried  with  Christ  by 

the  baptism,  which  is  into  his  death  (Rom.  VI.  4  ;  Col.  II. 

12),  keeping  their  sabbath   with   Christ  in  the  grave,  that 

is,  resting  from  their  own  works  as  God  did  from  his  (Heb. 

IV.  10),  waiting  there  in  hope  for  a  resurrection  (Pslm 
XVI.  9). 

XXXIX 
That  Christ  Jesus  early  in  the  morning,  the   first  day  of 
the  week,  rose    again    after   his   death    and    burial  (Matt. 

XX.  6)  for  our  justification  (Rom.  VI),  being  mightly 
declared  to  be  the  son  of  God,  by  the  spirit  of  sanctifica- 
tion,  in  the  surrection  from  the  dead.     (Rom.  I.  4). 

XL 

That  these  who  are  gratified  with  Christ  to  the  similitude 
of  his  death  and  burial  shall  also  be  to  the  similitude  of  his 
resurrection  (Rom.  VI.  4,  5)  ;  for  he  does  quicken  or  give 
life  unto  them,  together  with  himself  (Col.  II.  13  ;  Eph. 
II.  5,  6;)  for  that  is  their  salvation,  and  it  is  by  grace. 
(Eph.  II.  5  ;  I  John  V.  11-15  ;  Tit.  III.  5-7-) 

XLI 

That  this  quickening  or  reviving  of  Christ,  this  laver  of 
regeneration,  this  renewing  of  the  Holy  Ghost  is  our  justifi- 
cation and  salvation  (Tit.  III.  3-7).     This  is  the  pure  river 


Appendix  H  239 

of  water  of  life,  clear  as  crystal,  which  proceeds  out  of  the 
throne  of  God,  and  of  the  Lamb  (Rev.  XXII.  i)  which 
also  flows  out  of  the  belly  of  him  who  believes  in  Christ 
(John  VII.  38)  ;  this  is  the  precious  promise  whereby  we 
are  made  partakers  of  the  divine  nature,  by  flying  the 
corruptions  that  are  in  the  world  through  lust  (2  Peter  I.  4) 
this  is  the  fruit  of  the  tree  of  life  which  is  in  the  midst  of 
the  paradise  of  God  ;  this  is  the  white  stone  wherein  there 
is  a  name  written,  which  no  man  knows,  save  he  that  re- 
ceives it.  This  is  the  morning  star,  this  is  the  new  name, 
the  name  of  God,  the  name  of  the  city  of  God  ;  the  new 
Jerusalem  which  descends  from  God  out  of  heaven  ;  this  is 
the  hidden  manna,  that  white  clothing,  eye-salve  and  gold, 
and  that  heavenly  supper  which  Christ  promises  to  them 
who  overcame.  (Rev.  II.  7,  17,  28  ;  Rev.  III.  5-12  ; 
XVIII.  20). 

XLII 

That  there  are  three  who  bear  record  in  heaven,  the 
Father,  the  Word  and  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  that  these  three 
are  one  in  testimony,  witnessing  the  resurrection  of  Christ. 
The  Father  says  :  thou  art  my  son,  this  day  have  I  be- 
gotten thee  (Acts  XIII.  33-35).  The  Son  testifies  of  his 
own  resurrection  being  forty  days  with  his  diciples  (Acts  I. 
3).  The  Holy  Ghost  testifies  the  same  whom  Christ  sent  to 
his  diciples  upon  the  day  of  Penticost  (Acts  II). 

XLIII 
That  every  person  that  is  regenerate  and  risen  again  with 
Christ  has  these  three  aforesaid  witnesses  in  himself  ( i 
John  V.  20)  ;  for  Christ  does  dwell  in  his  heart  by  faith 
(Eph.  III.  17.)  and  the  Father  dwells  with  the  Son  (John 
XIV.  2)  ;  and  the  Holy  Ghost  likewise  (i  Cor.  X.  3)  ; 
and  that  the  grace  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  the  love 
of  God  and  the  fellowship  of  the  Holy  Ghost  is  with  them. 
(2  Cor.  XIII  13). 


240  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

XLIV 
That  Christ  having  forty  days  after  his  resurrection  con- 
versed with  his  diciples  (Acts  I.  18)  ascended  locally  into 
the  heavens  which  must  contain  him  unto  the  time  that  all 
things  be  restored.      (Acts  III.  21). 

XI.V 

That  they  who  are  risen  with  Christ,  ascend  up  spiritu- 
all}^  with  him,  seeking  those  things  which  are  above,  where 
Christ  sits  at  the  right  hand  of  God,  and  that  they  set  their 
affection  on  heavenly  things  and  not  on  earthly  things. 
(Col.  III.  I.  2.) 

XLVI 

That  Christ  now  being  received  into  heaven  sits  at  the 
right  hand  of  God.  (Mark  XVI.  9),  having  led  captivity 
captive,  and  given  gifts  unto  men  (Eph.  IV.  8)  ;  that  God 
has  now  highly  exalted  him,  and  given  him  a  name  above 
every  name  ;  that  at  the  name  of  Jesus  every  knee  should 
bow,  of  things  in  heaven,  in  earth  and  under  the  earth,  and 
that  every  tongue  should  confess  that  Jesus  Christ  is  lyord, 
to  the  glory  of  God  the  Father  (Phil.  II  29)  ;  that  he  has 
obtained  all  power  both  in  heaven  and  in  earth  (Matt. 
XXVIII.  18),  and  he  has  made  all  things  subject  under  his 
feet,  and  has  appointed  him  over  all  things  to  be  the  head 
of  the  church,  that  is  his  body,  the  fulness  of  him  that  fills 
all  in  all  things.      (Eph.  I.  22,  23.) 

XLVII 
That  the  regenerate  do  sit  together  with  Christ  Jesus  in 
heavenly  places  (Eph.  II.  6),  that  they  sit  with  him  in  his 
throne  (Rev.  III.  21  ;)  that  they  have  power  over  nations, 
and  rule  them  with  a  rod  of  iron,  and  as  a  potter's  vessel 
they  are  broken  to  pieces  (Rev.  II.  6-27),  and  that  sitting 
on  twelve  thrones,  they  do  judge  the  twelve  tribes  of  Israel 
(Matt.  XIX.  28),  which  spiritually  is  to  put  all  their 
enemies  in  subjection,  under  their  feet,  so  that  the  evil  one 


Appendix  H  241 

does  not  touch  them  (i  John  V.  i8),  nor  the  gates  of  hell 
prevail  against  them,  (Matt.  XVI),  and  that  they  are  be- 
come pillars  in  the  house  of  God,  and  go  no  more  out. 
(Rev.  III.  12). 

XLVIII 

That  Christ  Jesus  being  exalted  at  the  right  hand  of  God 
the  Father,  far  above  all  principalities  and  powers,  might, 
and  domination,  and  every  name  that  is  named,  not  only  in 
this  world,  but  in  the  world  to  come  (Eph.  I.  21)  has 
received  of  his  Father  the  promise  of  the  Holy  Ghost, 
which  he  also  shed  forth  upon  his  disciples  on  the  day  of 
Pentecost.  (Acts  II.  23) 

XLIX 

That  Christ  Jesus,  in  his  resurrection,  ascension  and 
exaltation,  is  more  and  rather  L,ord  and  Christ,  Saviour, 
anointed,  and  King,  than  in  his  humiliation,  sufferings  and 
death  (Acts  II.  36  ;  Phil.  II.  7)  ;  for  the  end  is  more  ex- 
cellent than  the  means,  and  his  sufferings  were  the  wa}'  by 
which  he  entered  into  his  glory  (Luke  XXIV.  26),  and  so 
by  consequent  the  efficacy  of  his  resurrection  in  the  new 
creature,  is  more  noble  and  excellent  than  the  efficacy  of 
his  death  in  the  mortification  and  remission  of  sins. 

Iv 

That  the  knowledge  of  Christ  according  to  the  flesh  is  of 
small  profit  (2  Cor.  V.  16,  17),  and  the  knowledge  of 
Christ's  genealogy  and  history  is  no  other  but  that  which 
the  Devil  has  as  well  if  not  better  than  any  man  living  ; 
but  the  knowledge  of  Christ  according  to  the  spirit  is  effect- 
ual to  salvation,  which  is  spiritually  to  be  grafted  to  the 
similitude  of  Christ's  birth,  life,  miracles,  doings,  suffer- 
ings, death,  burial,  resurrection,  ascension,  and  exaltation. 
(Rom.  VI.  3-6). 

LI 

That  Christ  Jesus,  according  to  the  flesh  and  history  in 
his   doings    and    suffering  is  a  great    mystery,  and    divine 


242  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

sacrament  of  himself,  and  of  his  miuistery  in  the  spirit, 
and  those  spiritual  things  which  he  works  in  those  who  are 
to  be  heirs  of  salvation  (Rom.  VI.  3,  6,  7  ;  Eph.  II.  5,  6); 
and  that  spiritually  he  performs  all  those  miracles  in  the 
regenerate  which  he  wrought  in  his  flesh  ;  he  heals  their 
leprosy,  bloody  issue,  blindness,  dumbness,  deafness,  lame- 
ness, palsy,  fever  ;  he  casts  out  the  devils  and  unclean 
spirits  ;  he  raises  the  dead,  rebukes  the  wind  and  the  sea, 
and  it  is  calm  ;  he  feeds  thousands  with  the  barley  loaves  and 
fishes.     (Matt.  VIII.  16,  17  ;  Isiah  LHL  4  ;  John  VI.  27). 

LII 

That  Christ  (in  that  manner)  is  become  a  Mediator  of 
the  new  Covenant,  namely,  priest  and  prophet  into  his 
church,  and  that  the  regenerated  are  become  also  through 
him  spiritual  kings  and  prophets.  (Rev.  I.  6  ;  i  John  II. 
20). 

LIII 

That  the  Holy  Ghost  proceeds  from  the  Father  and  the 
Son  (John  XIV.  26  ;  XVI.  7);  that  he  is  the  eternal  spirit, 
whereby  Christ  offered  himself  without  spot  to  God  (Heb. 
IX.  14);  that  he  is  that  other  comforter  who  Christ  asks, 
obtains  and  sends  from  the  Father  (John  XIV.  16)  which 
dwells  in  the  regenerate  (i  Cor.  III.  16),  which  teaches 
them  all  things,  and  that  they  have  no  need  that  any  man 
teach  them,  as  the  same  anointing  teaches  all  things, 
(i  John  II,  20-27). 

LIV 

That  although  there  be  divers  gifts  of  the  spirit  yet  there 
is  but  one  spirit,  which  distributes  to  every  one  as  he  will 
(i  Cor.  XII.  4-1 1  ;  Eph.  IV.  4)  ;  that  the  outward  gifts  of 
the  spirit  which  the  Holy  Ghost  pours  forth  upon  the  day 
of  Pentecost  upon  the  diciples,  in  tongues  and  prophecy, 
and  gifts,  and  healing,  and  miracles,  which  is  called  the 
Baptism  of  the  Holy  Ghost  (Acts  I.  5),  were  only  a  figure 
of  and  a  handleading  to  better  things,  even  the  most  proper 


Appendix  H  243 

gifts  of  the  spirit  of  sanctification,  which  is  the  new  crea- 
ture, which  is  the  one  baptism  (Eph.  IV.  4  ;  Acts  II.  23-28  ; 
LukeX.  17). 

LV 

That  John  the  Baptist  and  Christ  are  two  persons,  their 
ministry  are  two  ministries  several,  and  their  baptisms  are 
two  baptisms,  distinct  the  one  from  the  other  (John  i.  20  ; 
Acts  XIII.  25  ;  Acts  I.  4,  5  ;  Matt.  III.  2). 

LVI 

That  John  taught  the  baptism  of  repentance  for  the  re- 
mission of  sins,  baptising  with  water  to  amendment  of  life 
(Matt.  III.  11)  thus  preparing  a  way  for  Christ  and  his 
baptism  (Luke  III.  3)  by  bringing  men  to  repentance  and 
faith  in  the  Messias,  whom  he  pointed  out  with  the  finger, 
saying  ;  behold  the  Lamb  of  God  that  takes  away  the  sins 
of  the  world.     (John  I.  29-31  ;  Acts  XIX.  4). 

LVII 

That  Christ  is  stronger,  and  has  a  more  excellent  office 
and  ministry  than  John  (Matt.  III.  11),  that  he  baptises 
with  the  Holy  Ghost  and  fire,  that  he  comes  and  walks  in 
the  way  which  John  has  prepared  and  that  the  new  creature 
follows  repentance.     (Luke  III.  7). 

LVI  1 1 

That  repentance  and  faith  in  the  Messias  are  the  condi- 
tions to  be  performed  on  our  behalf,  for  the  obtaining  of 
the  promises  of  God  (Acts  II.  38  ;  John  I.  12),  that  the 
circumcision  of  the  heart,  mortification  and  the  promise  of 
the  spirit,  that  is,  the  new  creature,  are  the  promises  which 
are  made  to  the  aforesaid  conditions  (Deut.  XXX.  6  ;  Acts 
II.  38  ;  Gal.  III.  14  ;  2  Peter  I.  4,  5),  which  promises  are 
all  yea  and  amen  in  Christ  Jesus  (2  Cor.  I.  20)  and  that  in 
the  regenate  (Gal.  III.  16). 

LIX 

That  repentance  and  faith  are  wrought  in  the  hearts  of 
men  by  the  preaching  of  the  word,  outwardly  in   the  Scrip- 


244  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

tiires,  and  creatures,  the  grace  of  God  preventing  us  by  the 
motions  and  instinct  of  the  spirit,  which  a  man  has  power 
to  receive  or  reject.  (Matt.  XXIII.  27  ;  Acts  VI.  10  ; 
Rom.  X.  14,  15). 

LX 

That  our  juitification  before  God  consists  not  in  the  per- 
formance of  the  conditions  which  God  requires  of  us,  but  in 
the  partaking  of  the  promises,  the  possessing  of  Christ, 
remission  of  sins,  and  the  new  creature. 

LXI 

That  God  the  Father,  of  his  own  good  will,  does  beget  us 
by  the  word  of  truth  (James  I  18),  which  is  immortal  seed 
(i  Peter  I.  23),  not  the  doctrine  of  repentance  and  faith 
which  may  be  lost  (I^uke  VIII.  17)  ;  and  that  God  the 
Father,  in  our  regeneration,  neither  needs  nor  uses  the 
help  of  any  creature,  but  that  of  the  Father,  the  Word  and 
the  Holy  Ghost,  immediately  works  that  work  in  the  soul, 
where  the  free  will  of  men  can  do  nothing  (John  I.  13). 

IvXII 

That  those  as  have  not  attained  the  new  creature,  have 

need   of   the   scriptures,    creatures    and    ordinances  of  the 

church,  to  instruct  them,  to  comfort  them,  to  stir  them  up 

the  better  to  perform  the  condition  of  repentance  to  the 

remission  of  sins.     (2  Peter  I.  19  ;  i  Cor.  II.  26  ;  Eph.  IV, 

12,  13). 

LXIII 

That  the  new  creature  which  is  begotten  of  God,  needs 
not  the  outward  scriptures,  creatures  or  ordinances  of  the 
church,  to  support  or  help  them,  (i  Cor.  XIII.  10-12; 
I  John  II.  17  ;  I  Cor.  I  15,  16  ;  Rev.  XXI.  23)  seeing  he 
has  three  witnesses  in  himself,  the  Father,  the  Word,  and 
the  Holy  Ghost,  which  are  better  than  all  Scriptures,  or 
creatures  whatsoever. 

LXIV 

That  as  Christ  who  was  above  the  law  notwithstanding 
was  made  under  the  law,  for  our  cause,  so  the  regenerate  in 


Appendix  H  245 

love  to  others,  can  and  will  do  no  other  than  use  the  out- 
ward things  of  the  church,  for  the  gaining  and  supporting 
of  others  ;  and  so  the  outward  church  and  ordinances  are 
always  necessary  for  all  sorts  of  persons  whatsoever  (Matt. 
III.  15  ;  XXVIII.  19,  20;   I  Cor.  VIII.  9). 

LXV 

That  the  new  creature  although  he  be  above  the  law  and 
scriptures,  yet  he  can  do  nothing  against  the  law  or  scrip- 
tures, but  rather  all  his  doings  shall  serve  to  the  confirming 
and  establishing  of  the  law  (Rom.  III.  31).  Therefore  he 
can  neither  lie  nor  steal,  nor  commit  adultery,  nor  kill,  nor 
hate  any  man,  or  do  any  other  fleshly  action,  and  therefore 
all  fleshly  libertinism  is  contrary  to  regeneration,  detestable, 
and  damnable.  (Rom.  VI,  15,  16,  18;  2  Pet.  II.  18,  19; 
John  VIII,  34  ;   i  John  V.  18) 

LXVI 

That  the  visible  church  is  a  mystical  figure  outwardly  of 
the  true  spiritual  visible  church,  which  consists  of  the 
spirits  of  just  and  perfect  men  only,  that  is  of  the  regener- 
ate. (Rev.  I.  20  ;  XXI.  2.) 

LXVII 

That  the  outward  church  visible  consists  of  penitent  and 
believing  men,  as  much  as  men  can  judge  thereof,  who 
bring  forth  fruits  worthy  amendment  of  life  (i  Tim.  VII. 
3-5  ;  2  Tim  III.  5-10  ;  Acts  XIX.  4)  ;  although  hypocrites 
and  feigners  are  often  hidden  among  the  penitent. 

LXVIII 

That  repentance  is  the  change  of  the  mind  from  evil  to 
that  which  is  good  (Matt.  III.  2),  a  sorrow  for  sin  com- 
mitted, with  a  humble  heart  for  the  same  ;  and  a  resolution 
to  amend  for  the  time  to  come,  with  an  unfeigned  endeavour 
therein.   (2  Cor.  VII.  8,  11  ;  Jer.  XXXI.  18,  19.) 

LXIX 

That  when  we  have  done  all  that  we  can  we  are  unprofit- 
able servants,  and   all  our  righteousness  is  a  stained   cloth 


246  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

(Luke  XVII.  lo),  and  that  we  can  only  suppress  and  lop 
off  the  branches  of  sins,  but  the  root  of  sin  we  cannot  pluck 
up  out  of  our  hearts  (Jer.  IV.  4  ;  Deut.  XXX.  6,  7.) 

LXX 

That  faith  is  a  knowledge  in  the  mind  of  the  doctrine  of 
the  law  and  gospel  contained  in  the  prophetical  and  apos- 
tolical scriptures  of  the  Old  and  new  testament,  accom- 
panying repentance  with  an  assurance  that  God,  through 
Christ,  will  perform  unto  his  promise  of  remission  of  sins, 
and  mortification,  upon  the  condition  of  our  unfeigned 
repentance,  and  amendment  of  life  (Acts  II.  38,  39  ;  Heb. 
II.  I  ;  Matt.  I.  15) 

LXXI 

That  all  penitent  and  faithful  Christians  are  brethren  in 
the  communion  of  the  outward  church,  wheresoever  they 
live,  by  what  name  soever  they  are  known,  be  they  Roman 
Catholics,  lyUtherns,  Zwinglians,  Calvinists,  Brownists, 
Anabaptists,  or  any  other  pious  Christians,  who  in  truth 
and  zeal  follow  repentance  and  faith,  though  compassed 
with  never  so  many  ignorances  and  infirmities,  and  we 
salute  them  all  with  a  holy  kiss,  being  heartly  grieved  that 
we  who  follow  after  one  faith,  and  one  spirit,  one  Lord,  and 
one  God,  one  body,  and  one  baptism,  should  be  rent  into  so 
many  sects  and  schisms,  and  that  only  for  matters  of  no 
moment. 

LXXII 

That  the  outward  baptism  of  water  is  to  be  administered 
only  upon  such  penitent  and  faithful  persons  as  are  (afore- 
said) and  not  upon  innocent  infants,  or  wicked  persons. 
(Matt.  III.  23  ;  XXVIII.  19,  20  ;  John  IV.  i) 

LXXIII 
That  in  Baptism  to  the  penitent  person  and  believer  there 
is  presented,  and  figured,   the  spiritual  baptism  of  Christ, 
that  is,  the  baptism  of  the  Holy  Ghost  and  fire,  the  baptism 


Appendix  H  247 

into  the  death  and  resurrection  of  Christ,  even  the  promise 
of  the  spirit,  which  he  shall  assuredly  be  made  partaker  of, 
if  he  continue  to  the  end. 

LXXIV 
That  iu  the  outward  supper  which  only  baptized  persons 
must  partake,  there  is  presented  and  figured  before  the  eyes 
of  the  penitent  and  faithful,  that  spiritual  supper,  which 
Christ  makes  of  his  flesh  and  blood  ;  which  is  crucified  and 
shed  for  the  remission  of  sins,  as  the  bread  is  broken  and 
the  wine  poured  forth,  and  which  is  eaten  and  drunken,  as 
is  the  bread  and  wine  bodily,  only  by  those  who  are  flesh  of 
his  flesh,  and  bone  of  his  bone,  in  the  communion  of  the 
same  spirit,  (i  Cor.  XII,  13;  Aps  III.  20;  i  Cor.  XXI, 
23,  26  ;  John  VI.  53,  58.) 

IvXXV 

That  the  outward  baptism  and  supper  do  not  confer  and 
convey  grace  and  regeneration  to  the  participants  or  com- 
municants (see  Art.  61),  but  as  the  word  preached  they 
serve  only  to  support  and  stir  up  the  repentance  and  faith 
of  the  communicants  till  Christ  comes,  till  the  day  dawns, 
and  the  day-star  arises  in  their  hearts,  (i  Cor.  XI.  26; 
2  Peter  I.  9  ;   i  Cor.  XV.  8) 

LXXVI 

That  the  sacraments  have  the  same  use  that  the  word 
has  ;  that  they  are  a  visible  word,  and  that  they  teach  the 
eye  of  them  that  understand  as  the  word  teaches  the  ears  of 
them  who  have  ears  to  hear  (Pro.  XX.  11),  and  that  there- 
fore, they  pertain  no  more  to  infants  than  the  word  does. 

LXXVII 

That  the  preaching  of  the  word  and  ministry  of  the  sac- 
raments, represents  the  ministry  of  Christ  in  the  spirit, 
which  teaches,  baptises  and  feeds  the  regenarate  by  the 
Holy  Spirit  inwardly  and  invisibly  (See  Art.  41). 


248  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

LXXVIII 
That  Christ  has  set  in  his  outward  church  two  sorts  of 
ministers:  viz.,  some  who  are  called  pastors,  teachers  or 
elders,  who  administer  in  the  word  and  sacraments,  and 
others  who  are  called  deacons,  men  and  women,  whose 
ministry  is  to  serve  tables  and  wash  the  saints'  feet.  (Acts. 
VI.  2,  4  ;  Phil.  I.  I  ;   I  Tim.  III.  2,  8). 

LXXIX 

That  the  separating  of  the  impenitent  from  the  outward 
communion  of  the  Church  is  a  figure  of  the  eternal  re- 
jection and  reprobation  of  them  that  persist  impeuetent  in 
sin.  (Aps.  XXI.  27  ;  XXII.  14,  15;  Matt.  XVI.  16,  18; 
Matt.  XVIII.  18  ;  John  XX.  23  ;  Apo.  III.  12). 

LXXX 

That  none  are  to  be  separated  from  the  outward  com- 
munion of  the  Church  but  such  as  forsake  repentance,  who 
deny  the  power  of  godliness  (2  Tim.  III.  5,  18),  and  that 
none  are  to  be  rejected  for  ignorance  or  errors,  or  infirmities 
as  long  as  they  retain  repentance  and  faith  in  Christ  (Rom. 
XIV.  I  ;  Thess.  V.  14;  Rom.  XVI.  17,  18),  but  they  are 
to  be  instructed  with  meekness,  and  the  strong  are  to  bear 
the  infirmities  of  the  weak,  and  that  we  are  to  support  one 
another  through  love. 

LXXXI 

That  a  man  may  speak  a  word  against  the  Son  and  be 
pardoned,  that  is,  a  man  ma}'  err  in  knowledge  of  Christ's 
history  and  in  matters  of  the  outward  church,  and  be  for- 
given, doing  it  in  an  ignorant  zeal  ;  but  he  who  speaks  a 
word  against  the  Holy  Ghost,  that  is,  after  illumination 
forsakes  repentance  and  faith  in  Christ,  persecuting  them, 
trampling  under  foot  the  blood  of  the  covenant,  returning 
with  the  dog  to  the  vomit,  that  such  shall  never  be 
pardened  neither  in  this  world,  nor  in  the  world  to  come. 
(Matt.  XII.  31,  32  ;   Heb.  VI.  4). 


Appendix  H  249 

LXXXII 

That  persons  separated  from  the  communion  of  the 
church  are  to  be  accounted  as  heathens  and  publicans 
(Matt-  XVIII.  17)  and  that  they  are  so  far  to  be  shunned 
as  they  may  pullute,  notwithstanding  being  ready  to  in- 
struct them,  and  to  relive  them  in  their  wants,  seeking  by 
all  lawful  means  to  win  them,  considering  that  excommuni- 
cation is  only  for  the  destruction  of  the  flesh,  that  the 
spirit  may  be  saved  in  the  day  of  the  Lord  (i  Cor.  V.  5,  11  ; 
Matt.  XIV.  19;  Luke  XV.  12). 

LXXXIII 

That  there  is  no  succession  in  the  outward  church  but 
that  all  the  succession  is  from  heaven,  and  that  the  new 
creature  only  has  the  thing  signified,  whereof  the  outward 
church  and  ordinances  are  shadows  (Coir  I.  16,  17),  and 
therefore  he  alone  has  power  and  knows  right,  how  to 
administer  in  the  outward  church,  for  the  benefit  of  others 
(John  VI.  45),  yet  God  is  not  the  God  of  confusion  but  of 
order,  and  therefore  we  are  in  the  outward  church  to  draw 
as  near  the  first  institution  as  may  be,  in  all  things,  there- 
fore it  is  not  lawful  for  every  brother  to  administer  the 
word  and  sacraments.  (Eph.  IV.  11,  12;  i  Cor.  XII, 
4,  5,  6,  28,  29). 

LXXXIV 

That  Christ  has  set  in  his  outward  church  the  vocation  of 
master  and  servant,  parents  and  children,  husband  and  wife 
(Eph.  V.  22,  23  ;  VI.  I,  4,  5,  9,  and  has  commanded  every 
soul  to  be  subject  to  the  higher  power,  not  because  of 
wrath  only,  but  for  conscience  sake,  that  we  are  to  give 
them  their  duty,  as  tribute,  and  custom,  honour  and  fear 
(Rom.  XIII.  I,  2,  3,  7),  not  speaking  evil  of  them  that  are 
in  authority  (Jud.  8)  but  praying  and  giving  thanks  for 
them  (i  Tim.  II.  i,  2,  3)  for  that  it  is- acceptable  in  the 
sight  of  God  our  Saviour, 


250  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

LXXXV 

That  the  office  of  the  magistrate  is  a  disposition  or  per- 
missive ordinance  of  God  (Rom.  XIII.  i)  for  the  good  of 
mankind  (i  Pet,  II.  13;  i  Sam.  VIII.  5,  22),  that  one 
man  like  the  brute  beasts  devours  not  another,  and  that 
justice  and  civility  may  be  preserved  among  men  ;  and  that 
a  magistrate  may  so  please  God  in  his  calling  in  doing  that 
which  is  righteous  and  just  in  the  eyes  of  the  lyord,  that  he 
may  bring  an  outward  blessing  upon  himself,  his  posterity 
and  subjects  (2  Kings  X.  30). 

LXXXVI 

That  the  magistrate  is  not  by  virtue  of  his  office  to  med- 
dle with  religion,  or  matters  of  conscience,  to  force  and 
compel  men  to  this  or  that  form  of  religion  or  doctrine,  but 
to  leave  Christian  religion  free  to  every  man's  conscience, 
and  to  handle  only  civil  transgessions  (Rom.  XIII.  3,  4), 
injuries  and  wrongs  of  man  against  man,  in  murder,  adul- 
tery, theft,  etc.  for  Christ  only  is  the  King  and  Lawgiver 
of  the  church  and  conscience.  (James  IV.  12). 
LXXXVII 

That  if  the  magistrate  will  follow  Christ  and  his  diciple, 
he  must  deny  himself,  take  up  his  cross  and  follow  Christ  ; 
he  must  love  his  enemies  and  not  kill,  pray  for  them  and 
not  hate  them,  feed  and  comfort  them,  but  not  let  them  die 
from  hunger  ;  he  must  visit  them  in  prison  but  not  im- 
prison them,  not  banish  them,  nor  dismember  them  and 
spoil  their  good.  He  must  suffer  persecution  with  Christ, 
be  slandered,  reviled,  blasphemed,  scourged,  buffed,  spit 
upon,  imprisoned,  and  killed  with  Christ  ;  and  that  by  the 
authority  of  the  magistrate,  which  things  he  cannot  possible 
do,  and  retain  the  revenge  of  the  sword. 
LXXXVIII 

That  the  diciples  of  Christ,  the  members  of  the  outward 
church  are  to  judge  all  their  cause  of  differences  among 
themselves,  and  they  are  not  to  go  to  law  before  the  magis- 


Appendix  H  251 

trates  (i  Cor.  VI.  17),  and  that  all  their  differences  must 
be  ended  by  yea  and  nay,  without  an  oath  (Matt.  V.  33  ; 
James  V.  12). 

LXXXIX 

That  the  diciples  of  Christ,  the  members  of  the  outward 
church,  may  not  marry  any  of  the  profane  or  wicked,  god- 
less people  of  the  world,  but  that  everyone  is  to  marry  in 
the  Lord  (i  Cor.  39,  40),  every  man  one  only  wife,  and 
every  woman  one  only  husband,  (i  Cor.  VII.  2;  Acts 
XIII). 

XC 

That  parents  are  bound  to  bring  up  their  children  in  in- 
struction and  information  of  the  Lord  (Eph.  VI.  4),  and 
that  they  are  to  provide  for  their  family,  otherwise  they 
deny  the  faith,  and  are  worse  than  infidels  (Tim.  V.  8). 

XCI 

That  notwithstanding  of  the  Lord  shall  give  any  man 
special  calling,  as  Simon,  and  Andrew,  James  and  John, 
then  they  must  leave  all,  father,  ship,  nets,  wife,  children, 
yea,  and  life  also  to  follow  Christ.  (Luke  X.  4-26  ; 
Mark  IV.  18. 

XCII 

That  in  the  necessities  of  the  church,  and  poor  brethren, 
all  things  are  to  be  common  (Acts  IV.  32),  yea  and  that 
one  church  is  to  administer  to  another  in  time  of  need. 
(Gal.  II,  10;  Acts  XI.  30;  2  Cor.  VIII.  29). 

XCIII 

That  all  the  bodies  of  all  men  who  are  dead,  shall  by  the 
power  of  Christ,  be  raised  up,  out  of  his  own  proper  seed, 
as  corn  out  of  the  seed  rotting  in  the  earth. 

XCIV 
That  these  who  live  in  the  last  day  shall  not  die,   but 
shall  be  changed   in  a  moment,  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye, 
at  the  last  trumpet   (i  Cor.  XV.  52),  for  the  trump  shall 


252  History  of  the  Free  Churchmen 

blow,  and  the  dead  shall  be  raised  up  incorruptible,  and  we 
shall  be  changed,  not  in  substance  but  in  qualities,  for  the 
bodies  shall  rise  in  honour,  in  power,  in  incorruption,  and 
and  spiritual,  being  sown  in  dishonour,  in  weakness,  in 
corruption,  and  natural.      (I  Cor.  XV.  42,  44). 

XCV 

That  the  bodies  being  raised  up,  shall  be  joined  to  the 
souls,  whereto  formerly  they  were  united,  which  till  that 
time  were  preserved  in  the  hands  of  the  Lord.  (Apo.  VI. 
9;  Job  XIX.  25,  27.) 

XCVI 

That  it  is  appointed  to  all  men  that  they  shall  once  die, 
and  then  comes  the  judgment  (Heb.  IX.  27),  and  that  the 
change  of  them  who  live  in  the  earth  at  the  last  day,  shall 
be  as  it  were  a  death  unto  them,  (i  Cor.  XV.  12  ;   i  Thess. 

IV.  15,  I7-) 

XCVI  I 
That  there  shall  be  a  general  and  universal  day  of  judg- 
ment when  everyone  shall  receive  according  to   the  things 
that  are  done  in   the  flesh,  whether  they  be   good  or  evil 
(2Cor.  V.  10;  Acts  XVII.  31). 

XCVIII 

That  of  that  day  and  hour  knows  no  man,  no,  not  the 

angels  in  heaven,  neither  the  Son  himself,  but  the  Father 

only  (Mark  XIII.  3).     But  at  that  time,  whether  revealed 

into  the  church  or  not,  we  dare  not  say  anything  positively. 

XCIX 

That  Christ  that  man  shall  be  judge  in  that  day  (Acts 
XVII.  31)  that  he  shall  come  in  the  cloud  with  glory,  and 
all  his  holy  angels  with  him  (Mat.  XXV),  with  a  shout, 
and  with  the  voice  of  the  archangel  and  with  the  trump  of 
God  (i  Thess.  IV.  16),  and  he  shall  sit  upon  the  throne  of 
his  glory,  and  all  nations  shall  be  gathered  before  him,  and 


Appendix  H  253 

he  shall  separate  them  one  from  another,  as  a  shepherd 
separates  the  sheep  from  the  goats,  setting  the  sheep  on  his 
right  hand  and  the  goats  on  the  left.  (Mat.  XXV.) 

C 

That  the  King  shall  say  to  the  sheep,  the  regenerate, 
which  are  on  his  right  hand,  "Come,  ye  blessed  of  my 
Father,  inherit  the  kingdom  prepared  for  you  before  the 
foundation  of  the  world,"  and  it  shall  be  performed  accord- 
ingly.  (Mat.  XXV.) 

CI 

That  the  King  shall  say  to  them  on  his  left  [hand,  the 
goats,  the  wicked  ones  "  Depart  from  me,  ye  cursed,  into 
everlasting  fire  prepared  for  the  devil  and  his  angels,"  and 
it  shall  be  accomplished  accordingly. 

CII 

That  after  the  judgment  ended  and  accomplished,  and 
the  last  enemy,  that  is  death,  being  put  under  the  feet  of 
Christ,  then  the  Son  himself  shall  deliver  up  the  kingdom 
into  the  hands  of  the  Father,  and  shall  be  subject  unto 
him,  that  God  may  be  all  in  all  (i  Cor.  XV.  24). 


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